At the local market level, for example, approximately 73 tons of grasscutter meat representing more than 15, animals can be sold in a year NRC, According to recent survey, the grasscutter continues to dominate the bush meat trade Falconer, ; Ntiamo-Baidu, However, international trade as well as regional and continental interests in the grasscutter meat provides economic bases for the development of the grasscutter industry.
Also it would provide additional source of income, desperately required in the quest to help the rural poor to meet their basic necessities and sustain their food security Asibey, Consequently, there is great demand for captive reared breeding stock for starters. There is the need to develop the grasscutter industry to the status of a viable commercial venture capable of meeting both local and foreign demands without depending largely on hunting from the wild. Moreover, continual hunting with dogs and fire has negative environmental and economic implications in the locality where the hunting goes on.
Although, it is illegal, fire is frequently used in hunting the grasscutter Martin, ; Adu, There have been complaints by farmers that their crops got damaged by communal hunters through trampling and fire that get out of hand. Besides the destruction of farms and other properties, the bush fires adversely affect other animals and plants, creating immediate and long-term ecological problems. Captive breeding of the animal will reduce risks associated with the hunting of the grasscutter.
Grasscutter as Minilivestock Conventional livestock such as cattle, sheep and goats are usually kept extensively, requiring substantial areas of land. Most of the land is threatened by human population growth, poverty, increased urbanization and increased pressure on land for other uses with higher economic benefits Asibey and Addo, On the other hand, the grasscutter does not require much land and can even be raised in the backyard and on flat rooftops by the landless Asibey and Addo, They also do not produce great quantities of body waste, which in addition to being barely odourless, can easily be disposed off.
Also the grasscutter could provide an important source of part-time job opportunities, particularly for the landless women and children NRC, ; Ehui, Therefore, in situations where agricultural land is scarce or unavailable, small sized animals such as the grasscutter Anandajayasekeram, whose meat is generally referred to as conventional meat Ntiamo-Baidu, could be developed along with livestock.
The grasscutter meat is a popular food item and has high market demand and also commands high price Ntiamo-Baidu, ; Addo, Therefore, the NRC , included the grasscutter in its list of Minilivestock, little known animals with a promising economic future. These research animals are maintained in facilities whose environment is controlled with electricity and unreliable utility service in many parts of Africa Asibey and Addo, Failure to maintain the animals in the special facilities results in their destruction, besides the generation of incorrect research data, which becomes a waste of research resources and time.
The development of an indigenous research animal such as grasscutter Rosevear, ; Baptist and Mensah, ; Adoun; which does not need to be placed in rigidly controlled facilities would help eliminate these problems Asibey and Addo, In conclusion, literatures have established that the grasscutter, a wild African rodent can be domesticated. The distribution in Africa, south of Sahara, the management system required, nutrition and reproductive performance have all been studied.
However, detailed information on health and diseases of these rodents are scanty. It is also a good laboratory animal for research studies. Abioye, F. Uda, M. Opara, P. Aju and M. Onyema, Adaptability of grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus in natural and domestic environments. Addo, P. Detection of mating, pregnancy and imminent Parturition in the grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus Livest.
Rural Dev. Dodoo, S. Adjei and B. Awumbila, Optimal duration of male-female exposure to optimize conception in the grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus. Adjei, B. Awumbila and E. Awotwi, Determination of the ovulation mechanism of he grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus. Domesticating the wild grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus Temminck, under laboratory conditions.
Thesis, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana.
Online Library of Liberty
Adjanahoun, E. Contribution to the development of the livestock of the grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus , Temminck and al'etude its reproduction. Doctoral Thesis, Maisons-Alfort, Paris. Adoun, C. Place de l'aulacode Thryonomys swinderianus dan's le regne animal et sa repartition geographique. CIA'93 , Cotonou, Benin, pp: Adu, E. Wallace, Reproduction and mortality in a colony of captive greater cane rats, Thryonomys swinderianus , Temminck. Health Prod. Yeboah, The efficacy of the vaginal plug formation after mating, for pregnancy diagnosis and embryonic resorption in-utero in the greater cane rat Thryonomys swinderianus Temminck.
On the use of perineal stain as an index of sexual maturity and breeding condition in the greater cane rat, Thryonomys swinderianus Temminck. Grasscutter Farming: A Manual for Beginners. Aning, P. Wallace and T. Ocloo, Health Product. Ranching grasscutter, Thryonomys swinderianus Temminck, for meat production in the humid forest zone of Nigeria. FAO July Publication. Aitken, F. Wilson, Rabbit Feeding for Meat and Fur. Ajayi, S. Wild Life as a source of protein in Nigeria some priorities for development. Field, Poverty alleviation is the issue for public agricultural research.
Monitor, Arthur, G. Moakes and H. Pearson, Veterinary Reproduction and Obstetrics. Asibey, E. Eyeson, Additional information on the importance of wild animals as food source in South Africa of the Sahara, Bungo. Ghana Wildlife Soc. Addo, Weaver Press, Zimbabwe. Wild animals and ghana's economy An Investigation into bush meat as a source of protein. Wildlife as a source of protein in Africa South of the Sahara.
Conservation, 6: The grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus Temminck in Ghana. London, Wildlife production as a means of protein supply in West Africa, with particular reference to ghana. Wildlife and Food Security. FAO, Rome. Awah, J. Nottidge, Serum biochemical parameters in clinically healthy dogs in Ibadan. Awah-Ndukum, J.
Tchoumboue and J. Tong, Stomach impaction in grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus in captivity: Case report. Baptist, R. Mensah, Benin and West Africa: The cane rat farm animal of the future. World Anim. Blood, D. Radostits, Veterinary Medicine. Bush, B. Centre for Biodiversity Utilization and Development, Chupin, D. Needs for improvement of animal production in developing countries. Clottey, S. Relation of physical body composition to meat yield in the grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus Teminx.
Ghana J. Coles, E. Veterinary Clinical Pathology. Saunders Co. Den Hartog, A. The use of rodents as food in tropical Africa. FAO Nutr. Dinh, V. Hematological values of macques Macaca fascicualaris in a mangrove forest, Vietnam. Ehui, S. A review of the contribution of food Security: Poverty alleviation and Environmental sustainability in sub-Sahara Africa.
Ewer, R. Form and function in the grasscutter Thryonomys swinderianus Temminck Rodentia, Thryonomyidae. Falconer, J. Peoples uses and trend in non-timber forest production in Southern Ghana. Fitzinger, F. Cane Rats. Fonweban, J. Njwe, Feed Utilization and life weight gain by the African giant rat Cricetomys gambianus , Water House at dschana in cameroon.
Tropicultura, 8: Gotoh, S. Takennako, K. Watanabe, Y. Hamada and R. Kawamoto et al. Indonesia Primates, Domestication concept and consequences. Jain, N. Schalm Veterinary Haematology. Jori, F. Chardonnet, Cane rat farming in Gabon status and perspective. Mensah and E. Adjanohoun, Grasscutter production.
A model of rational exploitation of Wildlife. Biodiversity Conserv. Cooper and J. Casal, On post mortem findings in captive cane rats Thryonomys swinderianus in Gabon. Record, East Africa Mammals Hares and Rodents. The liberation of aesthetic estimation from this strict sexual bind is dependent on the development of other capacities connected with aesthetic appreciation. Just consider the even simpler case where an animal familiar with good-tasting food sets up a store of it without actually being hungry.
With the development of a sense of time and of memory, the possible distance between the awareness of agreeability and immediate desire grows. On a higher level, aesthetic estimation can detach itself in a similar way from the direct bind to desire. Here, too, a memory of previous experience and of its appreciation can play a role in forming current aesthetic attitudes. For example, both the display of beauty and the exercise of aesthetic sense can become ritualized and henceforth be practised in situations that are no longer directly situations of desire.
In this way, a first decoupling can come about and the route be cleared to ever higher types. As the aesthetic sense as such already represents a special refinement of the general faculty of experiencing pleasure, it can continue to ascend to ever higher stages within its own sphere, with ever greater distance from sexual desire and more and more refinement taking place.
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One last consideration: I have already pointed out that aesthetic judgment is tinged with pleasure. So being capable of pleasure is as elementary a condition for the aesthetic as are emotional and intellectual capacities. Pleasure in the most basic sense originates with sensation and so with the elementary property of animals; animals are by definition sentient beings, and being sentient implies the experiencing of pleasure and displeasure. Only beings that are capable of pleasure can, at a higher level, also be capable of aesthetic pleasure.
In this sense, hedonism is the basis for aesthetics. This consideration opens up a perspective and task for evolutionary aesthetics that goes beyond Darwin's approach. I recommend looking into the primary constitution and the stages in the development of pleasure which finally lead to the constitution of aesthetic pleasure.
I am suggesting a kind of pre-aesthetic analysis of the evolution of pleasure, confident that this might give us a better, genealogical understanding of the constitution of the aesthetic. I am indebted to Andrew Inkpin for help in improving my English. Shouldn't something similar be the case with aesthetics? One can then spare oneself the investigation straight away - the answer is of course 'no. It is often introduced with the conscious goal of excluding the possibility of an animal aesthetics.
Against this one should reckon with gradualism: our highly sophisticated aesthetics could have developed from modest beginnings. This would apply even if these beginnings were not of animal, but already human nature. One would certainly not want to make postmodern irony the measure of stone-age cave paintings either. In the domain of aesthetics, too, as in the domains of behavior and cognition, it is advisable to look out for preparations and outsets in the animal kingdom.
It's just that one does not actually put his perspective into practice. Evolutionary aesthetics is tailored more in a preDarwinian manner, as if still buying into the old metaphysical assumption of an "infinite difference between humans and animals" as stated, for instance, by Kant or Hegel.
Kant: "The step from the animal to the human [ Lectures on Fine Art , According to Thornhill, for instance, the assessment of beauty is determined by "the perception of ancestral cues to available animal food and safety from predators in one's environment" Thornhill, "Darwinian Aesthetics" , If this were true we ought to rate pigs as very beautiful and big cats as ugly - but we obviously do otherwise. Aiken, The Biological Origins of Art Miller, "Aesthetic fitness: How sexual selection shaped artistic virtuosity as a fitness indicator and aesthetic preferences as mate choice criteria" Descent , I Miller, The Mating Mind , Fisher demonstrated the possibility of a "runaway selection" in The Genetical Theory of Natural Selection in But in this return its actual point has been removed.
Contemporary Neo-Darwinists regard sexual selection as just another case of natural selection, thus denying its special character, which Darwin had insisted upon. I will discuss the crucial point of the controversy later on. Descent , II , and Origin , But for simplicity's sake I will restrict my analysis to the standard case, which means to the combination of male competition, male beauty, and female sense of beauty.
Though not the only selective advantage with respect to the environment speed and dexterity can do the job , with regard to male competition in its original form, power is the relevant mode of fitness. But at both the further developed stages of sexual selection, other criteria become decisive that no longer follow the natural logic of fitness. The third stage will be characterized by the selectivity of genuinely aesthetic criteria. The males' bright colours, for instance, which make them attractive to females, at the same time make them a target for predators. On the other hand, the species can afford the increased danger of the beautiful falling prey to enemies, for there are always many more males than are necessary for reproduction: "the destruction of the males would not be so injurious to the species as that of the females" Descent , I With this shift the contest assumes "a more peaceful character" Origin , , cf.
Already in the animal kingdom however modestly , aesthetics seems to lead to moral moderation. In addition, Darwin thinks that sometimes the females just go for novelty: "It would even appear that mere novelty, or change for the sake of change, has sometimes acted like a charm on female birds, in the same manner as changes of fashion with us" Descent , II , cf. I restrict myself to visual animal aesthetics.
It should, however, at least be mentioned that Darwin dedicated a long account to "musical charms" in particular. He saw them originating with insects Descent , I and reaching their summit in non-human animals with birds Descent , II He also addressed the importance of "musical tones and rhythm" for "the half-human progenitors of man" Descent , II Further, "the ornaments of the males [ Benjamin Constant's famous first formulation of the l'art pour l'art theorem: "art for art's sake, and without purpose; all purpose denatures art" Constant, "Journaux intimes, ," 65 [February 11, ].
Instead of emphasizing the coevolution of male beauty and the female sense of beauty, he only stressed the production of male beauty in consequence of female beauty choices cf. With respect to the Argus pheasant, Darwin says that "many will declare that it is utterly incredible that a female bird should be able to appreciate fine shading and exquisite patterns"; he admits that "it is undoubtedly a marvellous fact that she should possess this almost human degree of taste" Descent , II 93 , and that he knows "of no fact in natural history more wonderful than that the female Argus pheasant should be able to appreciate the exquisite shading of the ball-and-socket ornaments and the elegant patterns on the wing-feather of the male" Descent , II f.
Yet he is convinced that one cannot "deny that the female Argus pheasant can appreciate such refined beauty" Descent , II The Argus pheasant, for instance, presents "the exquisite shading of the ball-and-socket ornaments and the elegant patterns on the wing-feather [ Descent , I , , II , The latter comment is not to be understood as restrictive, for in aesthetic respect the concern is not with an objective analysis of details, but with an awareness of the overall aesthetic impression. Precisely such overallness is the indication of a genuinely aesthetic attitude and evaluation in contrast to a cognitive one.
Darwin's statement that the female choice is based on excitement or attraction rather than deliberation Darwin, "A preliminary notice: On the modification of a race of Syrian street dogs by means of sexual selection" , With respect to female birds he admitted: "It is [ Yet, "in some few instances," he insisted, "it can be shewn that they have a taste for the beautiful" Descent , II Besides humming-birds, bower-birds were his main example cf.
Descent , II f. I cannot go into the details of this anthropic prejudice here which I already mentioned in passing when pointing out some shortcomings of evolutionary aesthetics before. I will present my full views, a critique and possible overcoming of modern anthropocentrism, in a book forthcoming in Another reason is that scientific explanation is, for reasons of principle, minimalistic. Yet it appears very strange to people well acquainted with animals that their aesthetic capacities are disputed. This is ignored by O'Hear who, having noted that "in a series of observations of peahen-peacock matings, in ten out of eleven successful matings the female chose the male with the highest number of eye-spots in the tail," declares the one exception where the chosen male had one spot less an "odd case" O'Hear, Beyond Evolution , It is precisely on aesthetic grounds that a more perfect symmetry can make up for a smaller number of ornaments.
Darwin astutely remarked that the males, "though led by instinct," when displaying their beautiful ornaments to the females undoubtedly "know what they are about, and consciously exert their [ Conversely, the females know very well what they are looking for, and they make their choice based on their assessment of beauty. Thus, in courtship both the male and female manifest an awareness of the context of interaction and of the requirement to excel by certain standards; accordingly, their actions are both addressed to one another and directed to fulfilment of the relevant standards.
Courtship is thus a complex form of behavior, one distinguished from straightforward or base arousal and the direct fulfilment of sensuous lust. This intentional aspect which presupposes high mental powers, such as those that Darwin ascribed specifically to birds provides further support that explicit awareness of beauty is involved here. I owe this argument to Andrew Inkpin.
According to Darwin, the females generally do not just go for the most beautiful male, but also take fitness into account: the females "select those which are vigorous and well armed, and in other respects the most attractive" Descent , I But Darwin provides no information as to how this mixed calculation is to be imagined.
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He repeated his puzzlement in the final chapter XV : "How it comes that certain colours, sounds, and forms should give pleasure to man and the lower animals, - that is, how the sense of beauty in its simplest form was first acquired, - we do not know any more than how certain odours and flavours were first rendered agreeable" Origin , Volands talk of "decoding". The link between beauty and fitness is not to be merely a claim of the theory, but really to exist for the animal. The animal is to have a superior perspective that no longer falls for the superficial appearance of beauty, but which like a perfect Platonist sees through beauty straight away to the actual idea: fitness.
The animal is as wise as the sociobiologist -- only it is so by instinct, he by science. Despite its apparent elegance or simplicity , there is an obvious problem with this theory. This fitness axiom, however, is a purely theoretical decree even prejudice of almost metaphysical design: it is introduced as a premise instead of being proven or backed up by way of testing.
Things just seem to run smoothly when one takes the overall premise of fitness as a basis. My concern is less with the content of the assumption it might well be true , rather than with its theoretical status: the hypothesis is stated like a dogma, not suggested as a testable hypothesis and in fact no proof of it has ever been established. Since fitness is declared to be the ultimate goal in any case; the claim even seems designed to be immune against falsification which, by modern standards of theory, is certainly not a good feature.
While claiming to have found the "missing piece of Darwin's puzzle," Zahavi is in fact at odds with Darwin's view. Most current evolutionary explanations of beauty are modelled on Zahavi's conception. Miller's view that the beauty instinct in itself is different from the sexual instinct Miller, The Mating Mind , , The primatologist Harold Bauer, it is said, once observed a chimpanzee lost in contemplation by a spectacular waterfall in the Gombe Forest Reserve in Tanzania cf.
Konner, The Tangled Wing , f. Konner, Another interesting occurrence was documented by Heinz Sielmann. He filmed a male bower-bird I will discuss the peculiarities of bower-birds later who put a bloom in its bower, then took a step back and contemplated his work - obviously unsatisfied he took the bloom out again, put it back in a slightly different placement, and apparently found the new position right.
This case indeed looks very much like an act of contemplation. Dutton's critical remark about "limits of evolutionary psychology," in: "Aesthetics and Evolutionary Psychology" , The mistake, however, was in wanting not to admit even a genuine aesthetic interest as being constitutive of aesthetic judgment. That is on the one hand highly counterintuitive and Kant's justification for the theorem turned out to be conceptually hopelessly inconsistent; it is a wonder that this has not been noticed until now. On the other hand, the theorem of putative disinterestedness in fact worked towards a cognitive ursurpation of the aesthetic, as is palpable with prominent authors of classic aesthetics think, say, of Schelling or Hegel; cf.
Likewise, in Part II he linked the treatment of the "taste for the beautiful" found in birds with the account of their "mental qualities" Descent , II When, however, we come to the Arthropoda and Vertebrata, even to the lowest classes in these two great Sub-Kingdoms, sexual selection has effected much; and it deserves notice that we here find the intellectual faculties developed [ He was to explain the emotional continuity mentioned in passing in the Descent : I 5 in in The Expressions of the Emotions in Man and Animals.
Here, in the second part of the Descent , he deals with aesthetic continuity. In general he states that "organs and instincts originally adapted for one purpose" have later on "been utilised for some quite distinct purpose" Descent , II Weapon-building was one case. Originally developed for natural purposes as means of defense against enemies or of offence against victims of other species , the weapons were later on enlarged for the sexual struggle between males cf. Descent , I , and could finally become more and more ornamental: "Various crests, tufts, and mantles of hair, which are either confined to the male, or are more developed in this sex than in the females, seem in most cases to be merely ornamental, though they sometimes serve as a defence against rival males.
There is even reason to suspect that the branching horns of stags, and the elegant horns of certain antelopes, though properly serving as weapons of offence or of defence, have been partly modified for the sake of ornament" Descent , II So there is aesthetic modification of natural traits and transfer from natural to aesthetic purposes; and the latter aesthetic caprice can be in tension with the former as well as, later on, be co-opted again by natural requirements.
With respect to such processes, Darwin notes that "in most cases it is scarcely possible to distinguish between the effects of natural and sexual selection" Descent I This is not meant to say as Neo-Darwinists would have it that the distinction between sexual and natural selection is shallow cf. Darwin's insistence on "the importance of this distinction," Descent , I , but to point out that sexual selection is intertwined with natural selection and that it makes its way in departure from products of natural selection, which are then, however, subject to their own, especially aesthetic, line of development.
Finally, the aesthetic realm itself underwent modifications via stages leading from mere power struggles to the use of special weapons and finally to courtship. Diamond, "Evolution of bowerbirds' bowers: animal origins of the aesthetic sense" . In this way evolutionary aesthetics should succeed in also contributing to the understanding of paradigmatic features of traditional aesthetics instead of merely fending it off.
This, of course, also applies the other way round: The aesthetic features listed by O'Hear, for example O'Hear, Beyond Evolution , , would be better understood not as indicating limitations of evolutionary theory's explanatory power, but as features that stand in need of a grounding in evolutionary explanation. For an analysis of the structure and development of pleasure as I'm proposing it here, inspiration might be found in Hegel's penetrating views on the animal condition to be found especially in his Encyclopaedia.
Darwin, Charles, "Notebook N," Notebooks, Geology, Transmutation of Species, Metaphysical Enquiries , eds. Paul Barrett e. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , Diamond, Jared M. Heerwagen, Judith H. Stephen R. Kellert and Edward O. Wilson Washington, D. Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, Aesthetics. Lectures on Fine Art , vol. I, trans. Knox Oxford: Oxford University Press, Kaplan, Stephen, "Environmental preference in a knowledge-seeking, knowledge-using organism," The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and the Generation of Culture , eds.
Jerome H. Miller, Geoffrey F. O'Hear, Anthony, Beyond Evolution. Orians, Gordon H. Orr, David W.
A gappy tree and the demise of intermediate taxa
Charles Crawford and Dennis L. Krebs Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, , Thornhill, Randy and Gangestad, Steven W. Ulrich, Roger S. Welsch, Wolfgang, Vernunft. About CA. Contact CA. Introductory remarks 1. Original idea for the essay  Why am I addressing the unusual topic of animal aesthetics? Shortcomings of present evolutionary aesthetics My objections are of two kinds: methodological and thematic.
Methodological reductionism Darwin initiated the subject of evolutionary aesthetics. Aim of the essay What I will do instead is focus on what, in my view, must be the principal question for evolutionary aesthetics: How did the aesthetic attitude originally arise in the course of evolution? Some main points in Darwin's conception of animal aesthetics 1.
Darwinian fundamentals: aesthetic distinction in a context of utility; coevolution of beauty and sense of beauty; continuity between animal and human aesthetics The only author I found to be of help in clarifying my question was Charles Darwin. Pre-aesthetic beauty a. Non-aesthetic beauty For Darwin, not every kind of beauty is a product of aesthetic correlation and coevolution. Proto-aesthetic beauty A second, proto-aesthetic, type of beauty emerged with the conspicuous colors of flowers and fruits. Some features of Darwin's theory of sexual selection a.
Sexual selection is a strategy complementary and not reducible to natural selection Having established the concept of natural selection in his Origin of Species of where he mentioned the concept of sexual selection only in passing  , Darwin felt an urge to complement it with the concept of sexual selection. The primary arena of sexual selection: male competition for the female The difference between natural and sexual selection can easily be stated: natural selection concerns the fitness of an individual at every moment of its life with respect to the environment; sexual selection concerns only the fitness of the males with respect to their competition for the females during females' fertile periods.
Power wins The simplest case concerning the male competition is that the strongest male wins and monopolizes the females. Growing weapons: possible divergence between the demands of sexual and natural selection "But in many cases," Darwin observes, "victory depends not so much on general vigor, as on having special weapons. Charming the female After decision by mere power and the development of special weapons, a third mode of male competition arises when it is not simply the male who wins the fight against his rivals by such means that obtains access to the females but when, in addition, the females exercise choice.
Two divergent orders of utility: the advantage of Darwin's theory over standard evolutionary as well as bourgeois aesthetics Is aesthetic appreciation, then, the appreciation of something useful? Constitution of the sense of beauty in females: coevolution of male beauty and the female sense of beauty Of course, the development of male beauty makes sense only if the females are receptive to it. The central phenomenon: female delight in the beautiful as such But do the females really possess a sense of beauty? Courtship: aesthetic performance and choice Let's recall the ever narrower circles that finally converge on the females' preference for the more beautiful males.
The females make an aesthetic judgment; this determines their choice When the females go for the more beautiful males, they do so based on an aesthetic judgment made due to their "taste for the beautiful. The females do indeed appreciate the beautiful as such The crucial and controversial question is whether the females really appreciate the beautiful for being beautiful or for something else. Why does beauty do the job? The neo-Darwinian explanation This is not to say that no further questions concerning details of the female appreciation of beauty would remain. My stand-point, from which the evolution of the economic formation of society is viewed as a process of natural history, can less than any other make the individual responsible for relations whose creature he socially remains, however much he may subjectively raise himself above them.
In the domain of Political Economy, free scientific enquiry meets not merely the same enemies as in all other domains. The peculiar nature of the material it deals with, summons as foes into the field of battle the most violent, mean and malignant passions of the human breast, the Furies of private interest. The English Established Church, e. Now-a-days atheism itself is culpa levis, as compared with criticism of existing property relations. Nevertheless, there is an unmistakable advance. I refer, e. At the same time, on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, Mr. Wade, vice-president of the United States, declared in public meetings that, after the abolition of slavery, a radical change of the relations of Edition: current; Page: [ 16 ] capital and of property in land is next upon the order of the day.
These are signs of the times, not to be hidden by purple mantles or black cassocks. They do not signify that to-morrow a miracle will happen. They show that, within the ruling-classes themselves, a foreboding is dawning, that the present society is no solid crystal, but an organism capable of change, and is constantly changing.
The second volume of this work will treat of the process of the circulation of capital 2 Book II. Every opinion based on scientific criticism I welcome. As to the prejudices of so-called public opinion, to which I have never made concessions, now as aforetime the maxim of the great Florentine is mine:. To the present moment Political Economy, in Germany, is a foreign science. Thus the soil whence Political Economy springs was Edition: current; Page: [ 17 ] wanting.
This "science" had to be imported from England and France as a ready-made article; its German professors remained schoolboys. The theoretical expression of a foreign reality was turned, in their hands, into a collection of dogmas, interpreted by them in terms of the petty trading world around them, and therefore misinterpreted. The feeling of scientific impotence, a feeling not wholly to be repressed, and the uneasy consciousness of having to touch a subject in reality foreign to them, was but imperfectly concealed, either under a parade of literary and historical erudition, or by an admixture of extraneous material, borrowed from the so-called "Kameral" sciences, a medley of smatterings, through whose purgatory the hopeless candidate for the German bureaucracy has to pass.
Since capitalist production has developed rapidly in Germany, and at the present time it is in the full bloom of speculation and swindling. But fate is still unpropitious to our professional economists. At the time when they were able to deal with Political Economy in a straightforward fashion, modern economic conditions did not actually exist in Germany. And as soon as these conditions did come into existence, they did so under circumstances that no longer allowed of their being really and impartially investigated within the bounds of the bourgeois horizon.
In so far as Political Economy remains within that horizon, in so far, i.
Let us take England. Its political economy belongs to the period in which the class-struggle was as yet undeveloped. But by this start the science of bourgeois economy had reached the limits beyond which it should not pass. Already in the lifetime of Ricardo, and in opposition to him, it was met by criticism, in the person of Sismondi.
The succeeding period, from to , was notable in England for scientific activity in the domain of Political Economy. It was the time as well of the vulgarising and extending of Ricardo's theory, as of the contest of that theory with the old school. Splendid tournaments were held. What was done then, is little known to the Continent generally, because the polemic is for the most part scattered through articles in reviews, occasional literature and pamphlets. The unprejudiced character of this polemic—although the theory of Ricardo already serves, in exceptional cases, as a weapon of attack upon bourgeois economy—is explained by the circumstances of the time.
On the one hand, modern industry itself was only just emerging from the age of childhood, as is shown by the fact that with the crisis of it for the first time opens the periodic cycle of its modern life. On the other hand, the class-struggle between capital and labor is forced into the background, politically by the discord between the governments and the feudal aristocracy gathered around the Holy Alliance on the one hand, and the popular masses, led by the bourgeoisie on the other; economically by the quarrel between industrial capital and aristocratic landed property—a quarrel that in France was concealed by the opposition between small and large landed property, and that in England broke out openly after Corn Laws.
The literature of Political Economy in England at this time calls to mind the stormy forward movement in France after Dr. Quesnay's death, but Edition: current; Page: [ 19 ] only as a Saint Martin's summer reminds us of spring.
Popular Science Monthly/Volume 8/December 1875/Opossums and their Young
With the year came the decisive crisis. In France and in England and bourgeoisie had conquered political power. Thenceforth, the class-struggle, practically as well as theoretically, took on more and more outspoken and threatening forms. It sounded the knell of scientific bourgeois economy. It was thenceforth no longer a question, whether this theorem or that was true, but whether it was useful to capital or harmful, expedient or inexpedient, politically dangerous or not.
In place of disinterested enquirers, there were hired prize-fighters; in place of genuine scientific research, the bad conscience and the evil intent of apologetic. Still, even the obtrusive pamphlets with which the Anti-Corn Law League, led by the manufacturers Cobden and Bright, deluged the world, have a historic interest, if no scientific one, on account of their polemic against the landed aristocracy. But since then the Free Trade legislation, inaugurated by Sir Robert Peel, has deprived vulgar economy of this its last sting. The Continental revolution of also had its reaction in England.
Men who still claimed some scientific standing and aspired to be something more than mere sophists and sycophants of the ruling-classes, tried to harmonise the Political Economy of capital with the claims, no longer to be ignored, of the proletariat. Hence a shallow syncretism, of which John Stuart Mill is the best representative. It is a declaration of bankruptcy by bourgeois economy, an event on which the great Russian scholar and critic, N. Tschernyschewsky, has thrown the light of a master mind in his "Outlines of Political Economy according to Mill. In Germany, therefore, the capitalist mode of production came to a head, after its antagonistic character had already, in France and England, shown itself in a fierce strife of Edition: current; Page: [ 20 ] classes.
And meanwhile, moreover, the German proletariat had attained a much more clear class-consciousness than the German bourgeoisie. Thus, at the very moment when a bourgeois science of political economy seemed at last possible in Germany, it had in reality again become impossible. Under these circumstances its professors fell into two groups.
The one set, prudent, practical business fold, flocked to the banner of Bastiat, the most superficial and therefore the most adequate representative of the apologetic of vulgar economy; the other, proud of the professorial dignity of their science, followed John Stuart Mill in his attempt to reconcile irreconcilables. Just as in the classical time of bourgeois economy, so also in the time of its decline, the Germans remained mere schoolboys, imitators and followers, petty retailers and hawkers in the service of the great foreign wholesale concern.
The peculiar historic development of German society therefore forbids, in that country, all original work in bourgeois economy; but not the criticism of that economy. So far as such criticism represents a class, it can only represent the class whose vocation in history is the overthrow of the capitalist mode of production and the final abolition of all classes—the proletariat. The learned and unlearned spokesmen of the German bourgeoisie tried at first to kill "Das Kapital" by silence, as they had managed to do with my earlier writings. As soon as they found that these tactics no longer fitted in with the conditions of the time, they wrote, under pretence of criticising my book, prescriptions "for the tranquillisation of the bourgeois mind.
An excellent Russian translation of "Das Kapital" appeared in the spring of The edition of copies is already nearly exhausted. As early as , A. Sieber, Professor of Political Economy in the University of Kiev, in his work "David Ricardo's Theory of Value and of Capital," referred to my theory of value, of money and of capital, as in its fundamentals a necessary sequel to the teaching of Smith and Ricardo. That which astonishes the Western European in the reading of this excellent work, is the author's consistent and firm grasp of the purely theoretical position.
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That the method employed in "Das Kapital" has been little understood, is shown by the various conceptions, contradictory one to another, that have been formed of it. Thus the Paris Revue Positiviste reproaches me in that, on the one hand, I treat economics metaphysically, and on the other hand—imagine! In answer to the reproach in re metaphysics, Professor Sieber has it: "In so far as it deals with actual theory, the method of Marx is the reductive method of the whole English school, a school whose failings and virtues are common to the best theoretic economists.
Petersburg, in an article dealing exclusively with the method of "Das Kapital" May number, , pp. It says: "At first sight, if the judgment is based on the external form of the presentation of the subject, Marx is the most ideal of ideal philosophers, always in the German, i. But in point of fact he is infinitely more realistic than all his fore-runners in the work of economic criticism.
He can in no sense be called an idealist. After a quotation from the preface to my "Critique of Political Economy," Berlin, , pp. Of still greater moment to him is the law of their variation, of their development, i. This law once discovered, he investigates in detail the effects in which it manifests itself in social life.
Consequently, Marx only troubles himself about one thing; to show, by rigid scientific Edition: current; Page: [ 23 ] investigation, the necessity of successive determinate orders of social conditions, and to establish, as impartially as possible, the facts that serve him for fundamental starting points. For this it is quite enough, if he proves, at the same time, both the necessity of the present order of things, and the necessity of another order into which the first must inevitably pass over; and this all the same, whether men believe or do not believe it, whether they are conscious or unconscious of it.
Marx treats the social movement as a process of natural history, governed by laws not only independent of human will, consciousness and intelligence, but rather, on the contrary, determining that will, consciousness and intelligence If in the history of civilisation the conscious element plays a part so subordinate, then it is self-evident that a critical inquiry whose subject-matter is civilisation, can, less than anything else, have for its basis any form of, or any result of, consciousness. That is to say, that not the idea, but the material phenomenon alone can serve as its starting-point.
Such an inquiry will confine itself to the confrontation and the comparison of a fact, not with ideas, but with another fact. For this inquiry, the one thing of moment is, that both facts be investigated as accurately as possible, and that they actually form, each with respect to the other, different momenta of an evolution; but most important of all is the rigid analysis of the series of successions, of the sequences and concatenations in which the different stages of such an evolution present themselves. But it will be said, the general laws of economic life are one and the same, no matter whether they are applied to the present or the past.
This Marx directly denies. According to him, such abstract laws do not exist. On the contrary, in his opinion every historical period has laws of its own As soon as society has outlived a given period of development, and is passing over from one given Edition: current; Page: [ 24 ] stage to another, it begins to be subject also to other laws. In a word, economic life offers us a phenomenon analogous to the history of evolution in other branches of biology. The old economists misunderstood the nature of economic laws when they likened them to the laws of physics and chemistry.
A more thorough analysis of phenomena shows that social organisms differ among themselves as fundamentally as plants or animals. Nay, one and the same phenomenon falls under quite different laws in consequence of the different structure of those organisms as a whole, of the variations of their individual organs, of the different conditions in which those organs function, 8c. Marx, e. He asserts, on the contrary, that every stage of development has its own law of population With the varying degree of development of productive power, social conditions and the laws governing them vary too.
Whilst Marx sets himself the task of following and explaining from this point of view the economic system established by the sway of capital, he is only formulating, in a strictly scientific manner, the aim that every accurate investigation into economic life must have. The scientific value of such an inquiry lies in the disclosing of the special laws that regulate the origin, existence, development, and death a given social organism and its replacement by another and higher one. And it is this value that, in point of fact, Marx's book has. Whilst the writer pictures what he takes to be actually my method, in this striking and [as far as concerns my own application of it] generous way, what else is he picturing but the dialectic method?
Of course the method of presentation must differ in form from that of inquiry. The latter has to appropriate the material in detail, to analyse its different forms of development, Edition: current; Page: [ 25 ] to trace out their inner connection. Only after this work is done, can the actual movement be adequately described.
If this is done successfully, if the life of the subject-matter is ideally reflected as in a mirror, then it may appear as if we had before us a mere a priori construction. My dialectic method is not only different from the Hegelian, but is its direct opposite. To Hegel, the life-process of the human brain, i. The mystifying side of Hegelian dialectic I criticised nearly thirty years ago, at a time when it was still the fashion. But just as I was working at the first volume of "Das Kapital," it was the good pleasure of the peevish, arrogant, mediocre who now talk large in cultured Germany, to treat Hegel in the same way as the brave Moses Mendelssohn in Lessing's time treated Spinoza, i.
The mystification which dialectic suffers in Hegel's hands, by no means prevents him from being the first to present its general form of working in a comprehensive and conscious manner. With him it is standing on its head. It must be turned right side up again, if you would discover the rational kernel within the mystical shell. It its mystified form, dialectic became the fashion in Germany, because it seemed to transfigure and to glorify the existing state of things. In its rational form it is a scandal Edition: current; Page: [ 26 ] and abomination to bourgeoisdom and its doctrinaire professors, because it includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it regards every historically developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.
The contradictions inherent in the movement of capitalist society impress themselves upon the practical bourgeois most strikingly in the changes of the periodic cycle, through which modern industry runs, and whose crowning point is the universal crisis. That crisis is once again approaching, although as yet but in its preliminary stage; and by the universality of its theatre and the intensity of its action it will drum dialectics even into the heads of the mushroom-upstarts of the new, holy Prusso-German empire.
On the contrary, an explanation might be expected why this English version has been delayed until now, seeing that for some years past the theories advocated in this book have been constantly referred to, attacked and defended, interpreted and mis-interpreted, in the periodical press and the current literature of both England and America. When, soon after the author's death in , it became evident that an English edition of the work was really required, Mr.
Samuel Moore, for many years a friend of Marx and of the present writer, and than whom, perhaps, no one is more conversant with the book itself, consented to undertake the translation which the literary executors of Marx were anxious to lay before the public. It was understood that I should compare the MS. When, by and by, it was found that Mr. Moore's professional occupations prevented him from finishing the translation as quickly as we all desired, we gladly accepted Dr.
Aveling's offer to undertake a portion of the work; at the same time Mrs. Aveling, Marx's youngest daughter, offered to check the quotations and to restore the original text of the numerous passages taken from English authors and Bluebooks and translated by Marx into German. This has been done throughout, with but few unavoidable exceptions. The following portions of the book have been translated by Dr.
Aveling: 1 Chapters X. The Working Day , and XI. Wages, comprising Chapters XIX. Chapters XXVI. All the rest of the book has been done by Mr. While, thus, each of the translators is responsible for his share of the work only, I bear a joint responsibility for the whole. The third German edition, which has been made the basis of our work throughout, was prepared by me, in , with the assistance of notes left by the author, indicating the passages of the second edition to be replaced by designated passages, from the French text published in This MS.
Sorge of Hoboken N. It designates some further interpolations from the French edition; but, being so many years older than the final instructions for the third edition, I did not consider myself at liberty to make use of it otherwise than sparingly, and chiefly in cases where it helped us over difficulties. In the same way, the French text has been referred to in most of the difficult passages, as an indicator of what the author himself was prepared to sacrifice wherever something of the full-import Edition: current; Page: [ 29 ] of the original had to be sacrificed in the rendering.
There is, however, one difficulty we could not spare the reader: the use of certain terms in a sense different from what they have, not only in common life, but in ordinary political economy. But this was unavoidable. Every new aspect of a science involves a revolution in the technical terms of that science.
This is best shown by chemistry, where the whole of the terminology is radically changed about once in twenty years, and where you will hardly find a single organic compound that has not gone through a whole series of different names. Political Economy has generally been content to take, just as they were, the terms of commercial and industrial life, and to operate with them, entirely failing to see that by so doing, it confined itself within the narrow circle of ideas expressed by those terms.
Thus, though perfectly aware that both profits and rent are but sub-divisions, fragments of that unpaid part of the product which the laborer has to supply to his employer its first appropriator, though not its ultimate exclusive owner , yet even classical Political Economy never went beyond the received notions of profits and rent, never examined this unpaid part of the product called by Marx surplus-product in its integrity as a whole, and therefore never arrived at a clear comprehension, either of its origin and nature, or of the laws that regulate the subsequent distribution of its value.
Similarly all industry, not agricultural or handicraft, is indiscriminately comprised in the term of manufacture, and thereby the distinction is obliterated between two great and essentially different periods of economic history: the period of manufacture proper, based on the division of manual labor, and the period of modern industry based on machinery. It is, however, self-evident that a theory which views modern capitalist production as a mere passing stage in the economic history of mankind, must make use of terms Edition: current; Page: [ 30 ] different from those habitual to writers who look upon that form of production as imperishable and final.
A word respecting the author's method of quoting may not be out of place. In the majority of cases, the quotations serve, in the usual way, as documentary evidence in support of assertions made in the text.
But in many instances, passages from economic writers are quoted in order to indicate when, where, and by whom a certain proposition was for the first time clearly enunciated. This is done in cases where the proposition quoted is of importance as being a more or less adequate expression of the conditions of social production and exchange prevalent at the time, and quite irrespective of Marx's recognition, or otherwise, of its general validity.
These quotations, therefore, supplement the text by a running commentary taken from the history of the science. Our translation comprises the first book of the work only. But this first book is in a great measure a whole in itself, and has for twenty years ranked as an independent work. The second book, edited in German by me, in , is decidedly incomplete without the third, which cannot be published before the end of When Book III. And in England, too, the theories of Marx, even at this Edition: current; Page: [ 31 ] moment, exercise a powerful influence upon the socialist movement which is spreading in the ranks of "cultured" people no less than in those of the working class.
But that is not all. The time is rapidly approaching when a thorough examination of England's economic position will impose itself as an irresistible national necessity. The working of the industrial system of this country, impossible without a constant and rapid extension of production, and therefore of markets, is coming to a dead stop. Free trade has exhausted its resources; even Manchester doubts this its quondam economic gospel. While the productive power increases in a geometric, the extension of markets proceeds at best in an arithmetic ratio.
The decennial cycle of stagnation, prosperity, overproduction and crisis, ever recurrent from to , seems indeed to have run its course; but only to land us in the slough of despond of a permanent and chronic depression. The sighed-for period of prosperity will not come; as often as we seem to perceive its heralding symptoms, so often do they again vanish into air. Meanwhile, each succeeding winter brings up afresh the great question, "what to do with the unemployed;" but while the number of the unemployed keeps swelling from year to year, there is nobody to answer that question; and we can almost calculate the moment when the unemployed, losing patience, will take their own fate into Edition: current; Page: [ 32 ] their own hands.
Surely, at such a moment, the voice ought to be heard of a man whose whole theory is the result of a life-long study of the economic history and condition of England, and whom that study led to the conclusion that, at least in Europe, England is the only country where the inevitable social revolution might be effected entirely by peaceful and legal means.
He certainly never forgot to add that he hardly expected the English ruling classes to submit, without a "pro-slavery rebellion," to this peaceful and legal revolution. The fourth edition of this work required of me a revision, which should give to the text and foot notes their final form, so far as possible. The following brief hints will indicate the way in which I performed this task.
After referring once more to the French edition and to the manuscript notes of Marx, I transferred a few additional passages from the French to the German text. I have also placed the long foot note concerning the mine workers, on pages , into the text, just as had already been done in the French and English editions. Other small changes are merely of a technical nature. Furthermore I added a few explanatory notes, especially in places where changed historical conditions seemed to require it.
All these additional notes are placed between brackets and marked with my initials. A complete revision of the numerous quotations had become necessary, because the English edition had been published in the mean time. Marx's youngest daughter, Eleanor, had undertaken the tedious task of comparing, for this edition, all the quotations with the original works, so that the quotations from English authors, which are the overwhelming majority, are not retranslated from the German, but taken from the original texts.
I had to consult the English edition for this fourth German edition. In so doing I found many small inaccuracies. There were references to wrong pages, due either to mistakes in copying, or to accumulated typographical errors of three editions. There were quotation marks, or periods indicating omissions, in wrong places, such as would easily occur in making copious quotations from notes. Now and then I came across a somewhat inappropriate choice of terms made in translating. Some passages were taken from Marx's old manuscripts written in Paris, , when he did not yet understand English and read the works of English economists in French translations.
This twofold translation carried with it a slight change of expression, for instance in the case of Steuart, Ure, and others. Now I used the English text. Such and similar little inaccuracies and inadvertences were corrected. And if this fourth edition is now compared with former editions, it will be found that this whole tedious process of verification did not change in the least any essential statement of this work.
There is but one single quotation which could not be located, namely that from Richard Jones, in section 3 of chapter XXIV. Marx probably made a mistake in the title of the book. All other quotations retain their corroborative power, or even increase it in their present exact form. I have heard of only one case, in which the genuineness of Edition: current; Page: [ 34 ] a quotation by Marx was questioned. Since this case was continued beyond Marx's death, I cannot well afford to ignore it. It was denied that the statement: "This intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power It says just the reverse.
Marx has formally and materially lied in adding that sentence. Marx, who received this issue of the Concordia in May of the same year, replied to the anonymous writer in the Volksstaat of June 1. As he did not remember the particular newspaper from which he had clipped this report, he contented himself with pointing out that the same quotation was contained in two English papers. Then he quoted the report of the Times, according to which Gladstone had said: "That is the state of the case as regards the wealth of this country.
I must say for one, I should look almost with apprehension and with pain upon this intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power, if it were my belief that it was confined to classes who are in easy circumstances. This takes no cognizance at all of the condition of the labouring population. The augmentation I have described and which is founded, I think, Edition: current; Page: [ 35 ] upon accurate terms, is an augmentation entirely confined to classes of property.
In other words, Gladstone says here that he would be sorry if things were that way, but they are. This intoxicating augmentation of wealth and power is entirely confined to classes of property. And so far as the quasi official Hansard is concerned, Marx continues: "In the subsequent manipulation of his speech for publication Mr. Gladstone was wise enough to eliminate a passage, which was so compromising in the mouth of an English Lord of the Exchequer as that one. By the way, this is an established custom in English parliament, and not by any means a discovery made by Lasker to cheat Bebel.
The anonymous writer then became still madder. Pushing aside his second-hand sources in his reply in the Concordia, July 4, he modestly hints, that it is the "custom" to quote parliamentarian speeches from the official reports; that the report of the Times which contained the added lie "was materially identical" with that of Hansard which did not contain it ; that the report of the Times even said "just the reverse of what that notorious passage of the Inaugural Address implied. Nevertheless he feels that he has been nailed down, and that only a new trick can save him. Hence he decorates his article, full of "insolent mendacity," until it bristles with pretty epithets, such as "bad faith," "dishonesty," "mendacious assertion," "that lying quotation," "insolent mendacity," "a completely spurious quotation," "this falsification," "simply infamous," etc.
This second article is published in the Concordia of July Marx replied once more in the Volksstaat of August 7, quoting also the reports of this passage in the Morning Star and Morning Advertiser of April 17, Both of them agree in quoting Gladstone to the effect that he would look with apprehension, etc.
But this augmentation was entirely confined to classes possessed of property. Both of these papers also contain the "added lie" word for word. Marx furthermore showed, by comparing these three independent, yet identical reports of newspapers, all of them containing the actually spoken words of Gladstone, with Hansard's report, that Gladstone, in keeping with the "established custom," had "subsequently eliminated" this sentence, as Marx had said.
And Marx closes with the statement, that he has no time for further controversy with the anonymous writer. It seems that this worthy had gotten all he wanted, for Marx received no more issues of the Concordia. Thus the matter seemed to be settled. It is true, people who were in touch with the university at Cambridge once or twice dropped hints as to mysterious rumors about some unspeakable literary crime, which Marx was supposed to have committed in Capital. But nothing definite could be ascertained in spite of all inquiries.
Karl Marx, who Gladstone tampered with the report of his speech in the Times of April 17, , before it was published in Hansard, in order to eliminate a passage which was, indeed, compromising for the British Chancellor of the Exchequer. When Brentano demonstrated by a detailed comparison of the texts, that the reports of the Times and of Hansard agreed to the absolute exclusion of the meaning, impugned to Gladstone's words by a craftily isolated quotation, Marx retreated under the excuse of having no time.
This, then, was the kernel of the walnut! Thus he lay, and thus he handled his blade in his "masterly attack," this Saint George of the German Manufacturers' Association, while the fiery dragon Marx quickly expired under his feet "in deadly shifts! However, this Ariostian description of the struggle serves only to cover up the shifts of our Saint George. There is no longer any mention of "added lies," of "falsification," but merely of "a craftily isolated quotation. Eleanor Marx replied in the monthly magazine To-day, February, , because the Times refused to print her statements.
She reduced the discussion to the only point, which was in question, namely: Was that sentence a lie added by Edition: current; Page: [ 38 ] Marx, or not? Whereupon Mr. Sedley Taylor retorted: "The question whether a certain sentence had occurred in Mr. Gladstone's speech or not" was, in his opinion, "of a very inferior importance" in the controversy between Marx and Brentano, "compared with the question, whether the quotation had been made with the intention of reproducing the meaning of Mr.
Gladstone or distorting it. Gladstone intended to say. To-Day, March, The comic thing about this retort is that our mannikin of Cambridge now insists on not quoting this speech from Hansard, as is the "custom" according to the anonymous Mr. Brentano, but from the report of the Times, which the same Brentano had designated as "necessarily bungling. It was easy for Eleanor Marx to dissolve this argumentation into thin air in the same number of To-Day.