His neat copperplate handwriting would then degenerate to illegible scribbling. Convinced that he was no longer fit for the job, he would then ask Thomas to let Ambrose Pollett, a friend of the family, replace him in the firm. His physical condition would not let him endure another winter in Lisbon.
To him Lisbon, thus, ended up representing the proximity of death, that ultimate moment of displacement. His fears, however, were unfounded and he went back to England where he remained in convalescence, before returning to Portugal. But once more the climate did not agree with him. In the course of his stay, James was badly in need of a focal point to keep things in perspective and letter writing served such a purpose. More than anything else, it allowed him to keep his sense of belonging alive.
These letters ended up being the only bridge not just to his origins, but above all to his own identity. This sentimentality towards his family is in marked contrast with his attitude as an observer. Although Hutchinson cannot entirely detach himself emotionally from what he witnesses, there is a kind of Verfremdungseffekt in his writing, a journalistic objectification of the topics he covers, whereby the distance between himself and the other is never to be entirely spanned. Translating something as intimate and confidential as private letters has the potential to border on voyeurism.
It raises issues that concern the ethics of translation, since the translator, unlike the casual reader, is supposed to leave no stone unturned in his struggle to reach communicative effectiveness. In this sense, translation is to be viewed as an act of intrusion and, simultaneously, of extrusion in other words a disclosure and a close examination of that which pertains to the private sphere.
The former constitutes a form of violation , of disrupting that which belongs to the realm of the confessional and becoming, to borrow the words of St.
Nevertheless, such violence is mitigated by the transmutational properties of time. Over time, these texts have acquired the status of archaeological evidence, which does not necessarily mean that in this respect the position of the translator is less delicate. After all, he was not the addressee of the letters and that fact alone poses some problems. An outsider may find it difficult to penetrate the referential fabric of the letters. Unlike travel accounts or autobiographies written for publication, these texts were not intended for a wide readership.
They were personal in tone and content, and the writer knew what responses to expect from his only reader living across the English Channel. The writer did not project an ideal or fictional reader to whom he might grant full right of access to the world recreated in his prose.
As a consequence, his world remains sealed off from a larger audience and the translator is forced to break into the textual space like a trespasser. Implicatures lie hidden within this corpus of letters but they can never be entirely unravelled: whatever inferences the translator may draw, he or she will always lack the necessary background knowledge to establish their validity.
Such implicatures, one must not forget, are a symptom of the close relationship existing between the two correspondents. Implicit meanings result from a common experience, excluding other readers. Fortunately, the text in question is generally far more objective and factual than one would suppose, and this alone gives the translator significant leverage over the hidden aspects of the correspondence. It is in the terrain of factuality and narrativity that the translator moves free from major constraints, although it is certain that the faithfulness of the representation can never be taken for granted see Polezzi What we get instead is a myriad of disparate images that can hardly be coalesced into one single picture.
The reason is obvious: the stories he tells do not follow any thematic pattern, other than the fact that all of them revolve around the city itself. Although the anecdotal episodes themselves are self-contained and refer only to fragments of both individual and collective experiences in early nineteenth-century Lisbon, they play an important part in the process of historiographical reconstruction of the past. The historiographical value of the letters lies in the fact that they contain accounts that were neither censored nor doctored: no one ever scrutinised or edited the stories, which were simply committed to paper without any concern for accuracy, trustworthiness or factuality.
The ensemble of letters forms a sort of scrapbook containing clippings or mementos that were never meant to be published. Such moments, however, were bound together by a common genetic code: they all emerged out of the drive for novelty, a drive partly explained by the way the processes of cultural displacement affected the author. He preferred to position himself as an observer rather than as a commentator, and avoided getting entangled in elaborate considerations. Far from highly opinionated, the letters nonetheless give us the chance of peering into his personality, albeit obliquely.
Sometimes, however, he felt compelled to take sides, such as when he dared to air his own opinion on Beresford:. Such explicitness was rare. Shortly after the rebellion in Pernambuco, Brazil, Hutchinson censured himself for letting slip his views on the political turmoil that had gripped the country and decided to not to return to the issue for fear of reprisals:. His fears over the consequences of political dissent were not wholly misplaced. The horrific hanging of the Conspirators he watched on 22 October , shortly before his departure, left a lasting impression on him:. Here, his voyeurism matched his horror as he came to the full presence of death—that dark character that kept resurfacing in his writing.
As we have seen, what was once private acquires, over time, an archaeological value: the status of artefact is conferred on language as privacy metamorphoses into historical evidence. In translation, chronological distance is of the essence: one might even argue that every translation has embedded in its genes an indelible anachronism. In sharp contrast with our contemporary world, where synchronous forms of communication and instantaneous access to information seem to have taken hold of the way we communicate with each other, the art and craft of translation necessitates the slow transit of time.
It is a painstaking process of problem-solving, reflection and maturation. It takes time and perseverance. And when it involves the representation of past historical phenomena, as in the present case, the temporal dimension acquires critical significance. On the one hand, the translator cannot help excogitating his own condition as a historical subject: he becomes conscious of the relativity of values, of the differentials separating lifestyles, habitus in the Bourdieusian sense and Weltanschauungen.
And here, in the translation process, the time gap separating source and target texts functions not so much as a thread linking both acts of writing along a historical continuum but rather as a lens, generating several simultaneous optical effects, where light shifts in unsuspected ways and where appearance must be understood in its composite and elusive nature.
This, of course, entails much scrupulous work of detailed historical research, as well as the ability to articulate it within the translational process. The crux of the matter lies in being able to dwell in the interstices between two languages, two cultures and two historical periods. In other words, one must learn to come to terms with the undecidability which undermines the certainties offered by our ingrained logocentrism.
As the translator shifts, in the course of the translation process, from one logosphere in the Barthesian sense to another, he realises that the movement itself does not actually, cannot entail the loss or gain, subtraction or addition of meanings. Meaning does not constitute some sort of universal currency that is, manifestations of a universal language common to all human beings that can be subjected to a process of direct exchange or transaction.
Meanings cannot migrate freely from one language to another. I can only subtract meanings within the system they belong to. Languages weave their own networks of meanings and the exact value of each meaning, if it can ever be assessed, is to be determined only symptomatically by the effects generated by its presence or absence in one particular social and cultural context.
To believe in the transferability of the meaning and its capacity to survive as a whole in two distinct linguistic and cultural environments as in a process of ecesis is not to realise something that Derrida pointed out: that even within the same language meanings not only differ a problem of spacing , but are forever deferred which is the condition of their temporality.
One of the main problems of translation, therefore, is not just spatiality but also temporality , particularly the historical condition of the texts. And this, I think, poses an obstacle far more difficult to overcome, since it has to do with the impossibility for the translator to render two externalities compatible in one single target text. Just as Hutchinson was compelled, as an expatriate, to come to terms with the social and cultural reality of his host country  which is, for all purposes, a question of spatiality , so the translator, like a migrant travelling through time, is forced to come to grips with an ancient world governed by laws long forsaken and now irretrievable the question of temporality.
And since both writer and translator are forever barred from a fully unmediated contact with the unconsciously lived culture of the Other, both seeing it as something external to themselves, though not necessarily negative, their attempts to assimilate cultural elements and national idiosyncrasies can only take place on the terrain of the imaginary, which enables them to crop, select, filter and reshape elements and idiosyncrasies in order to discursively tame the otherness.
Translators of travel writing therefore have to operate on a double disjuncture. On the one hand, they have to deal with the cultural gap that exists between the author and the people he visits Hutchinson and the Portuguese , a gap which over-determines the perceptions, constructs, responses and projections of otherness of the British expat, but which -- since it is barely made explicit in the text -- can only be detected by means of a symptomatic reading. On the other hand, translators have to negotiate the disjunction that will always separate them from the time and the concrete conditions under which the texts saw the light of day -- a disjunction that is further amplified by the impossibility of mapping the exact location of the intersection of cultures which gives the letters their characteristic intercultural tension see Cronin 6.
Therefore, the translator is left with no choice but to try to overcome these two disjunctions, both of which constitute distinct moments of resistance to interpretation. How can we then circumvent the limitations to translation that such a double disjuncture imposes? Of course a careful, detailed investigation into the empirical elements offered by the letters and the issues broached therein must always be conducted, but this is not enough: it can only be through a critical awareness of these tensions and resistances that translators may decentre themselves and avoid the pitfalls of identification and idealisation.
It is this decentring at the core of translation that ends up being in itself a form of travelling. It is rather the translator and his reader who are invited to venture across a frontier -- the frontier that sets the limits to their identities, values and representations, and that is both spatial and temporal. In fact, the main challenges to the translation of these letters were posed by the problem of temporality, that is, by the difficulties of bridging the time gap.
The first issue to be tackled was the stylistics of the Portuguese target text. It was not just a matter of finding the best equivalents and transferring contents from the source text into the target language without major semantic losses. It was also a matter of finding a style and a register that could somehow match the original ones. In order to do that, I compared the letters to similar archival and bibliographical sources in Portuguese. The analysis of the examples of letters allowed me to determine the way in which the target text was to be drafted.
In Portuguese, this is not so linear. In the early nineteenth century, modes of address would have varied according not only to social class, age or degree of familiarity, but also to written language conventions. The solution to the difficulty in ascertaining whether we were dealing with informality or politeness was partly given by the manual. This was the form I resorted to throughout. Another difficulty had to do with wording. The manuals proved useful in guiding my lexical choices. I wanted to give the translation a distinctive period flavour to represent the historical dimension of the original letters.
Another challenge was related to the commercial jargon both in English and in Portuguese. Nowadays commercial terminology in both languages is much more complex, but most of the neologisms that currently exist in Portuguese are English words. Back then, that influence was more tenuous. In any case, the search for the right equivalent would have always been time-consuming. If we multiply this by the wide spectrum of nomenclatures related to those areas of economic activity Hutchinson was directly or indirectly involved in, we have an idea of the complexity of the task.
To start with, there were the inner workings of the wool trade business. I had to unwind the ball of yarn of the English wool and worsted industry, including all the details concerning the different stages of the manufacturing process: recognising the provenance and differences in quality of the raw wool available in both the Portuguese and Spanish markets, the various patterns of the warp and weft, the way the cloth should be cut or dressed, specific types of woollen cloths, their designs and colours, and so on.
It took me a while before I learnt from a magazine published in London in Tilloch that the initials did not stand for any English or Portuguese words, but for Spanish ones. They referred to the way Spanish wool which also included Portuguese wool was classified: Primera or Refina R. Moreover, since conducting business ventures overseas back then was not without its risks, I had to acquaint myself with the idiom used in cargo and shipping insurance, learn about risk-assessment, shipping deadlines, storage conditions, bills of lading, types of merchant ships crossing the Atlantic, and so on.
But then there are also taxes and duties, customs procedures and the requirements of port authorities, the valuation of the bales in the Cocket,  goods lodged at the Custom House not yet dispatched -- all of this wrapped up in a language of its own, which has to be patiently disassembled, explored, digested, and then reassembled and fine-tuned in the translation process.
In order to penetrate that language I had to resort to historical research once more. However, since the Revista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses is aimed at a scholarly readership, it proved unnecessary to insist on the explanation of cultural or linguistic aspects that they are supposed to be already acquainted with. Differences in style between early nineteenth-century and early twenty-first-century Portuguese are noticeable, but they do not make the text less intelligible.
In any case, stylistic conventions should not pose a problem for all the scholars who are used to working with documents of that period.
So I kept the footnotes to a minimum. The future publication of a book containing the complete correspondence of the Farrer family, this time aiming at a more general readership, will entail a different explanatory methodology, but not a different stylistic treatment. Writing narratives of displacement and travel is in itself a translational act, where the author is always seeking to translate into his mother tongue the manifestations of the culture of the other.
In the process, the translator is forced to question his identity, values and the representations of his own nation and people, especially if the original text is non-fictional and therefore stakes a claim to the immediacy and truthfulness of the experience. The translator thus has to achieve a tour-de-force in bridging all three gaps and rendering the text accessible to the contemporary reader.
However, the meanings in the target text will always have but a spectral relation with the ones in the source text: they are constructed at the same time as a re-apparition of a former presence that does not present itself as full presence and as the apparition of a new presence —a new text in its own right. Brewster, London, New Left Books. London, R. Covering dates: Paris, ; Joaquim Ferreira de Freitas. London, Richard and Arthur Taylor, He is also the director of studies of postgraduate programmes in ELT and translation. He has also participated in several European-funded projects related to teacher training and computer-assisted language learning.
Marxist discourse and its leading propagandist in Iran, the Tudeh Mass Party, played such a leading role in the Pre-Revolutionary Iran that any account of the reception of other discourses in that period should include an analysis of its relation to it. Existentialism was the most important rival intellectual movement for Marxist discourse in Pre-Revolutionary Iran, both challenging Marxist discourse and being overwhelmed by it.
The present paper aims to investigate, through related translations and indigenous writings, the early reception of existentialist discourse in Iran from to from the fall of Reza Shah to the Coup , a period which coincides with the establishment of the Tudeh party, the zenith of its power and prestige and then its drastic repression. To this end, the article offers an account of the socio-political context of Iran from the s the beginning of the introduction of Existentialism in Iran to the early s with a focus on the role of the Tudeh party. Keywords: Sartrean Existentialism, marxist discourse, Tudeh party, Iran, history.
Knowledge, discourses and theories are produced in different ways: whether they are constructed within the borders of a culture, or imported from a different culture through the channel of translation or other forms of rewriting e. When discourses are imported, the process is generally thought to be easy and unobstructed.
However, as Edward Said states, the transfer of knowledge and theory to the new environment is by no means easy and discourses undergo many transformations during the process. Said observes a recognizable and universal pattern in the transfer of theories and claims that each idea or theory goes through three or four stages in the process of its importation.
First of all, there is a starting point, or what seems to be a starting point, a set of initial conditions in which an idea is born or enters into a discourse. The second stage is the distance which the theory or idea travels to find a new significance in its new environment. In the third stage, there are sets of conditions that are called reception or resistance conditions encountered by the immigrant idea or theory. In the fourth stage, an idea that is now completely or incompletely assimilated undergoes many transformations and finds new applications Said, Venuti also refers to the neglect of translation in philosophical research and states:.
According to Venuti , philosophical thinking has long created concepts based on the native versions of foreign texts, but these native versions are generally considered to be transparent, and the influence of native culture and language on the created concepts has been ignored. Despite the general neglect of translation in many fields of study, over the past few decades, migration of theories and discourses through translation has attracted many researchers from the field of Translation Studies.
Some of these scholars have sought to propose new approaches to address the migration of discourses, while others have foreshadowed the pattern of transmission and reception of these discourses. Some others, like Susam-Sarajeva have tried to account for the migration of theories through conducting multiple- case studies within the framework of Descriptive Translation Studies. Since it is not possible to address all these studies in present paper, two examples will be provided.
Robbins puts forward a model for the transmission and reception of discourses through translation, and believes that the target culture may adopt a different stance towards the discursive elements of the alien. In his view, if when confronting with a new discourse, the otherness is ignored, the target culture has an imperialist position. If otherness is acknowledged but transformed, the target culture or discourse has a defensive stance.
If the target culture or discourse does not prevent the entrance of foreign discourses, the target culture is said to have a trans-discursive stand. And finally, if the target culture encourages the introduction of new discourses, it has a defective stance and is in the position of weakness. Dangchao proposes an approach for studying the migration of theories, which he believes is new from three perspectives: first, unlike many studies on the transfer of theories which mainly focus on the moving theories, in this approach the reception of the theories in different times and places is emphasized.
Second, in this new approach, in addition to discursive issues emphasized by the previous approaches, the relation between discursive conditions and material conditions is also explored, so that in addition to the study of translated texts, the interaction between discourse and practice is also studied. Finally, in this new approach, the complexities of power relations affecting the transfer or non-transfer of theories are also examined. According to Dangchao , there are powers at work that facilitate the transfer of certain theories and prevent the transfer of some other theories.
Despite recent international focus on the role of translation in the migration of theories, in Iran modern discourses and theories are often discussed without any reference to the role of translation and translators in constructing them. In Iran, many modern discourses and theories are products of translation. This does not mean that some elements of these discourses have not been previously present in Persian literary and philosophical works, but it means that such discourses and theories as coherent sets of knowledge, philosophy and theory and with a specific purpose and worldview are products of translation and importation from different cultures.
However, few studies have been carried out in this regard and even in those few studies the role of translation in introducing and constructing new discourses has been totally ignored. For example, in a book called Existentialism and Modern Persian literature , which explores the introduction of existential discourse into modern Persian literature, there is no mention of translators and translations as a channel through which this discourse has been introduced and represented.
To overcome this shortcoming, the present paper aims to study the early reception of Sartrean Existentialism in Iran with a focus on the role of translation. Thus, as Rundle suggests the results may interest a wider range of audience, historians as well as Translation Studies scholars. Existentialism is one of the major foreign discourses that dominated the intellectual life of Iran for decades. As the title suggests, Sartre was introduced to Iranian readers as the founder of this philosophy. Although in the years after the Existentialist boom in Iran, Iranian philosophers and theologians took an interest in other branches of this philosophic movement including Heideggerian and religious Existentialism, what dominated the minds of many Iranian writers and intellectuals was French and, in particular, Sartrean Existentialism.
The purpose of this article is to explore the reception of this branch of Existentialism which proved to be an important intellectual movement in Iran for more than three decades. In order to understand Existentialism in Iran, we must first understand the important role that Marxist discourse and its leading propagandist, the Tudeh party, played in pre-revolutionary Iran. This article aims to investigate the early reception of Existentialist discourse in Iran from to from the fall of Reza Shah to the Coup , a period which coincides with the establishment of the Tudeh party, its rise to popularity with intellectuals and, finally, its severe repression.
During these 12 years, the country experienced many social changes and political crises. As a result of the relative freedom of the period , various parties were established and various periodicals emerged. Among the many parties that had been active in these years, only six continued to operate in the following years as national organizations.
At the beginning, the Tudeh party was a democratic and popular front. Until , the Party leadership was a combination of Marxist and Social-Democrat elements, with its Marxist members exerting much more influence. Since the party supported democratic and popular aspirations and since the popularity of the Soviet Union was increasing at that time, the party managed to recruit many young and educated people.
But perhaps the most important attraction of the party for the young and educated was its capability for publishing new European ideas. The party was the focal point for those who were interested in these ideas Katouzian The party recruited not only a relatively broad spectrum of white collar workers and craftsmen, but also many prominent intellectuals who enjoyed a high status in Iranian society Abrahamian Ehsan Tabari a: 3 , a founding member and theoretician of the Tudeh party, said at the time:.
Although, from the very beginning, Socialist Realism, the official literary and artistic school of the Soviet Union, attracted the Tudeh party members, it was not until that it dominated most of its literary productions. In fact, it can be claimed that the Tudeh party, while using intellectual writers and translators to promote its ideology, also provided them with an opportunity to publish their own ideas. After the defeat of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party in , a split occurred in the Tudeh party and a group of intellectuals led by Khalil Maleki left the party in and some of the party leaders had to move abroad Behrooz ; Katouzian The crisis that followed the suppression of the soviet-supported revolt in Azerbaijan and the reorganization of the party in , which led to its severe ideologization, along with the greater restrictions imposed by the Soviet Communist Party on writers and artists from to undermined literary and artistic pluralism in the Tudeh party and strengthened socialist realism.
Gradually the principles, criteria and foundations of socialist realism were accepted by a large number of party members, and eventually socialist realism not only became the artistic and literary ideology of the Tudeh party of Iran but, with some adjustments, it became the theoretical basis of literature and revolutionary and popular art in Iran for four decades Khosropanah The political and cultural ideology of the Tudeh party and the Soviet literature it advocated, affected the literary production of many Iranian writers and poets such as Abdul-Hossein Noushin, Mahmoud Etemadzadeh Behazin , and Siavash Kasrai.
However, this impact was ambivalent; on the one hand, it supported and promoted a new type of literature, but, on the other, it prevented the development of a free literature due to its ideological nature Akbariani In , the Tudeh party faced another crisis, which led to the dissolution of the party by the government.
The Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was the victim of an assassination attempt during a ceremony at the University of Tehran that year. The government blamed the Tudeh party, which was dissolved and forced to go underground. Since many of its leaders were arrested and the party had little experience in underground activities, the crisis posed a serious threat to its survival.
However, since the government was not strong enough at the time to impose a brutal repression, the party soon managed to reorganize by creating a number of front organizations and publications in order to compensate for its inability to function openly. After that, the Tudeh party became a full member of the International Communist Front. Behrooz ; Katouzian With the start of the Oil Nationalization Movement led by Mosaddegh, a prominent parliamentarian and prime minister from , the Tudeh party became one of the main actors in the political scene in Iran.
After public protests that led to the re-election of the prime minister Mosaddegh, who had resigned because the Shah had refused to give him the control of the Ministry of Defence, the party changed its course and supported Mosaddegh. The Tudeh party failed to take effective action against the coup. Consequently, many party leaders were forced to leave Iran.
They fled to the Eastern bloc, many of them staying there until the Islamic Revolution in Behrooz ; Katouzian As observed by Baqer Momeni , a historian and former member of the Tudeh party, the impact of the Tudeh party on the political and cultural atmosphere of Iran was so great that even after seventy years, it is acknowledged by writers and scholars from various, even opposing, intellectual and social fronts.
Momeni states:. In this period, Sartre and Existentialism were introduced to Iranians both through translations and indigenous writing. During these 12 years, five fictional works by Sartre were translated and published in Iran and a book entitled Makateb-e Falsafi: Existancializm [Philosophical Schools: Existentialism] was written in by Hossein Kasmaie. The number of articles published on Sartre and Existentialism was small. However, a closer look at the list of translators and publishers suggests that Sartre was imported with specific political and cultural agendas.
It also responds to the recent calls in Translation Studies to focus on translators, e. Pym The socio-political situation in which this translation was carried out as well as the professional profile of Hedayat and his association with the Tudeh party, leads us to attribute some other motives to him.
There are various accounts of the relationship between Hedayat and the Tudeh party, but in almost all of these, there is agreement that despite his initial sympathy with the Tudeh party, Hedayat was never a member of the party, regularly criticizing its leaders and policies. At a time when the hegemony of the Tudeh party attracted intellectuals from a variety of spheres, Hedayat was often considered to belong to an intellectual current that, although very small at that time, had a more philosophical and profound approach to social affairs, a current which was perhaps initiated by Hedayat himself through his translations of works by Kafka and Sartre.
So, it is not unlikely that one of his intentions in introducing Sartre was to introduce ideas which could challenge the ruling ideology of the Tudeh party. As Ehsan Tabari  n. The story of Le Mur is full of existential themes such as despair, death and emptiness. Existentialist ideas such as the random nature of life and the absence of causal relationships in the world, as are evident in this story, are strongly opposed to the Marxist- Leninist ideas prevalent at that time.
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The party member speaking in the article then invites the disillusioned intellectual to abandon Existentialism and convert to Marxist-Leninist philosophy, and says:. The publication of the translation of Le Mur in the journal Sokhan confirms the hypothesis that Existentialism was introduced as part of an effort to challenge the ideology propagated by the Tudeh party.
The aim of the journal was to help promote the development of Persian literature, literary criticism, literary research, and to introduce foreign writers and poets through translation Sadeqzadeh-Ardobadi Specifically, the journal Sokhan , which was published for 27 years, showed an increasing interest in Existentialist philosophers and thinkers as the modern writers of the era.
Khanlari, a professor of Persian literature at the University of Tehran, established the journal in Khanlari seems to have been attracted to the Tudeh party until the events of Azerbaijan in , but he was never a member of the party. An examination of the content of this journal with its emphasis on French literature in a period in which Russian literature and the Soviet communist system were praised and promoted by many Iranian intellectuals reinforces the previously mentioned hypothesis that the introduction of existentialist writers in this period was also initiated in order to pose a challenge against the dominant ideology of the Tudeh party.
Written by Fereydoun Hoveyda, the article was probably the first article on Sartre and Existentialism in Iran. Although the article is apparently not written to contest leftist discourse, it does challenge it. The article begins as follows:. From the very beginning, the author suggests that France has a great potential for the development of great intellectual schools when compared to other countries, and perhaps creates an opposition in the mind of the reader between France as a Western European country and the Soviet Union, which was a promised land to many intellectuals of that time.
The emphasis on the emergence of these great schools after the great revolutions and transformations is also a reminder of the socio-political conditions in Iran at that time. It can be argued that this article tends to promote rather than just introduce Sartre and his philosophy at a time when the Marxist-Leninist discourse was the dominant intellectual discourse in Iran. La putain respectueuse was the second work by Sartre which was translated into Persian in The play was translated by Abdul-Hossein Noushin, a playwright, theater director and a leading member of the Tudeh party.
He was one of the first to import Western theatrical works into Iran, and his translation of Sartre was part of this initiative. However, considering the association of Noushin with the Tudeh party and the attitude of Party officials towards Existentialism and Sartre, the publication of this play in the official journal of the party may seem strange at first. It seems that, in the early years of its activity, the party would resort to any conceivable means to promote its cause.
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Although the Tudeh party advocated socialist realism in literature and art from the outset, it did not boycott the poets and writers who followed other artistic currents, even writers such as Sartre and Kafka, who, at that time, were banned and considered decadent in the Soviet Union Khosropanah After the split in the Tudeh party in , this literary pluralism was gradually abandoned, so much so that in Ehsan Tabari and his followers denounced the artistic and philosophical schools which they saw as capitalist and decadent. In these essays, Sartre and his philosophy of Existentialism, which were previously introduced and advocated in the Tudeh party periodicals, were harshly criticized.
By doing this, the Party pursued two goals: to attract a variety of intellectuals from different fronts, and to co-opt other influential discourses to advance its goals. So, not only did the content of the play not challenge the anti-imperialist ideology of the Tudeh party, but it also helped to promote its cause.
Amir-Nasser Khodayar , a translator, writer and journalist, translated it into Persian in Like many intellectuals of the time, Khodayar was initially interested in the Tudeh party, and worked closely with people like Abdul Hossein Noushin and Khalil Maleki.
The selection of a short story from the Le Mur collection previously introduced by Hedayat signals the significance of Hedayat as an initiator of a discourse on Sartre and Existentialism, a discourse which was gradually developed by other intellectuals of the time to both challenge and help define the dominant discourse of the Tudeh party. Unlike the other translators of Sartre, the translator of this work, Mustafa Farzaneh, was a young and novice translator who had the opportunity to meet and co-operate with Sadeq Hedayat.
Being a disciple of someone who introduced Sartre into Iran encouraged Farzaneh, who translated short texts for different periodicals at the time, to translate a play by Sartre. This attack clearly shows that at that time the Tudeh party identified Hedayat with the Existentialist movement, a movement which his student and close friend, Mustafa Farzaneh, also aligned himself with by translating Huis clos. Like Hoveyda, Farzaneh identifies Existentialist philosophy with Sartre in his introduction, and from the very beginning tries to emphasize its novelty, which he sees as a privilege.
Farzaneh then introduces and interprets the play, raising a series of points that are clearly in opposition to the dominant Marxist-Leninist discourse. Historical materialism has a different approach to the relationship between individual and society and sees mankind as an inherently social being. For Marxists, the individual is a kind of abstraction, and all human achievements are the result of collective action, and as a result of this collective effort society can reach its final stage after going through different temporary phases Novack The fifth and the last work by Sartre to be translated into Persian before the coup was Les mains sales.
This play was translated by Jalal Al-e-Ahmad, a writer, intellectual and a former member of the Tudeh party. Finally I get this ebook, thanks for all these Wegener. L'uomo che muoveva i continenti can get now! I did not think that this would work, my best friend showed me this website, and it does! I get my most wanted eBook. My friends are so mad that they do not know how I have all the high quality ebook which they do not! Just select your click then download button, and complete an offer to start downloading the ebook.
If there is a survey it only takes 5 minutes, try any survey which works for you. L'uomo che muoveva i continenti. We need only recali Andreas Capellanus' assertion that the blind were incapable of love, or the provencal poets' and their successors' endless descriptions of love entering through the eyes, in order to realize the importance attributed to sight in the origin of love.
Here again, as in the above case yet contrary to most depictions of love in chivalric and other liter- ature, we are witness to the collaboration of love and reason. Bradamante and Rugiero are destined to marry and found the Estense family. Yet before their relationship has the chance to progress any fur- ther, they lose sight of each other in their pursuit of their would-be attackers.
This temporary separation allows Bradamante to meet the hermit who discloses that Rugiero:. Is Bradamante destined by Boiardo to be the instrument of her beloved's conversion in the same way that Rugiero 's father brought about the conversion of bis beloved to Christianity? With the fondness Boiardo has shown for symmetri- cal conversions in the poem, this eventuality seems highly probable. Thus while Fiordelisa led Brandimarte to embrace reason, Bradamante was meant to lead Rugiero to embrace faith, faith and reason constituting for Boiardo the highest values of humankind.
Even if the narrator is a masculine voice and the woman is viewed from the male perspective, it is nevertheless clear that the Innamorato, for the first time in chivalric literature, gives to woman a significant, active, and positive role in the development of the narrative. Matteo Maria Boiardo, Orlando Innamorato, ed. As Ranaldo is about to die at the hands of the monster of Rocca Crudele, Angelica renders the monster harmless by throwing it waxed bread 1.
Olschki, She is, however, in no way a leader or even a partner in the knight's adventures. Press: Cambridge, , Charles S. For the Garden of Eden's relation to the false, enchanted gardens of Renaissance literature, see A. Press, John Jay Parry, ed. Austin P. Evans New York: Columbia Univ. In Reali di Francia, Rugiero's mother was, like his future bride, a warrior. Dal giardino dei bei fiori In a letter written in by Gregorio Correr, Venetian patrician, humanist and theologian, to Cecelia Gonzaga, daughter of the Duke of Mantua, he advised the young giri toward a life of chastity, saying, O excellent gift of God!
O virginity alcin to the angels and consecrated in the Virgin Mother and in the Virgin's Son. You are the road to heaven, the enemy of demons, the ornament of the soul. If you are a bride of Christ, 'forget thy people and thy father's house'. Flee, Ceceha, virgin of Christ, flee, cover your eyes, cover your ears. Flee, if you can,. Indeed, during the Renaissance, the possession of chastity and vir- ginity were a young girl's most valued possessions. The Church preached its dictum of purity for young women as the highest aspiration for those of the fairer sex.
And yet, as Boccaccio explained in his biography of Sabina Poppaea, one of alleged biographies of women in De claris mulieribus, purity and modesty were difficuk to maintain. Of Sabina he wrote, "It was her custom to show modesty assiduously in public, while in private she practiced lasciviousness, the universal vice of women. But from the setting which produced these moralistic paradigms for women also came a large group of surprising images of women. They are intimate, half-length portraits of females with their light-colored hair worn loose and flowing, with their white underblouse or camicia open, reveahng an expanse of very white skin and either both breasts, one breast, or sometimes just deep deavage.
They sometimes hold draperies to their chest in a futile attempt at modesty. In a few of the pictures, the girls are shown holding flowers in one band — or are shown with flowers in their hair. These pic- tures have come to be called depictions of the goddess Flora, whom the Sabines recognized as the divinity of flowers and springtime. It is with these so-called depictions of Flora, along with the group of which I will argue they are a part, that I will be concerned in this arride.
Focusing on Titian's Vlora ca. I will also ask, given the moralistic tenor of the times and its concern with chastity and virginity, who would have commissioned such pictures and why.
I will also argue that these young women can be recognized by their hair and clothing as ladies of dubious reputation, the courtesans or prostitutes of cinquecento Venice, echoing Boccaccio 's story of Flora, from Lactantius, as a Roman courtesan posing as the goddess of flowers. I will further suggest that these women had a desire to represent themselves as goddesses, or as larger-than-life images of female beauty, and that they willingly posed for these ideal- ized portraits of themselves to further their reputations as symbols of sensual love.
The name of Flora afFixed to some of them may have arisen from their pose holding a flower, or their pose with one breast uncovered, recalling Alcamenes' Venus Genetrix, which was almost the symbol for a goddess in Renaissance painting. Both Titian's Flora, painted around Fig. These pictures, of which there are many, show young beautiful girls with their hair down and with their cloth- ing loosened in sensual disarray, usually with ther breasts partially exposed. The images are overtly sensual and while partaking vaguely of classical allusions, have an air of contemporary nonchalance, some more so than others.
The flower held occasionally by one of these young women, as in the cases of Titian's Flora and Palma Vecchio 's La Flora, is not the focus of the picture and in fact, most of the young ladies are not holding flowers at ali, but instead are clutching a drapery, sitting with arms folded, pressing their hand to their bosom, holding a perfume bottle, or casually leaning on a chair.
If the title of Flora had not been attached to the few pictured holding flowers, they would easily blend into this larger group of paintings of young girls. Indeed, it is not clear that the name "Flora" was given to these pic- tures by the artists who painted them, for the provenance of both of the paintings here being considered is very sketchy.
In fact, we have no contemporary reference to Titian's Flora at ali, and therefore can- not establish for certain that Titian himself called it Flora. Indeed, of this larger group of "female half-length figures," as Held called them in his arride on Flora, most of them carry the title of "Por- trait of a Young Lady," with an occasionai variation7 We do know that many portraits of ladies, of which I am arguing that these "Fiori" are a part, were painted and sought after.
Charles Hope has said in his hook on Titian that there was a distinct, locai tra- dition in Venice of painting pretty girls in a portrait format "either clothed or partially nude," and that these girls were either the man's mistress, or, further removed, simply pretty pin-ups. Titian painted a very beautiful portrait of a lady whom that nobleman loved when he was in Venice," who, in return, "honoured Titian with a superb sonnet. First of ali, they are shown with their hair loose and flow- ing, denoting abandon and vanity. The patron saint of prostitutes, Mary Magdalene, is usually depicted with long, sensuous hair.
These girls are also shown in their camicia, a blouse-like undergarment, in which, as Mellencamp also stated, ladies of the sixteenth century never appeared in public, especially not with their breasts exposed. Renaissance brides. In an age when the virginity and chastity of a wife were of paramount concern, a depiction such as this would be very unlikely. From the moralists and Church fathers of the day came the same mes- sage: ali that mattered for a girl was to keep her virginity.
Saint Am- brose, writing in the fourth century, was one of the first Church fathers to extol virginity as a virtue. He wrote, in part: "If you wish to take a wife I can at least teli you not to go after money, but only after goodness and a good reputation. A few speculations can be for- warded: that these pictures were of the mistresses of the painters as later generations sometimes called them, for example, "Titian's Mis- tress as Flora" , or that they were pictures of prostitutes or courtesans who posed for the pictures to further their own purposes, and to add charm to the walls of male patrons.
Certainly, in the case of Titian, we know of his social dalliance, in spite of his marriage, with at least one famous, or perhaps infamous Venetian court esan. La Zaffetta. Titian formed part of the group called "The Triumvirate" by many historians including Crowe and Caval- casene , his "compeers" Pietro Aretino and Jacopo Sansovino round- ing it out. That they led a life composed of "quiet dissipation attendant on mirthful company and fine suppers," meeting "either in Titian's rooms at Biri, or in Aretino 's palace on the Grand Canal," has also been notcd by Crowe and Cavalcaselle, and they often had company.
He then wrote, "Nor do I mention the nymhs, who with their presence surpass ali the marvels I have described. Hope cited a letter from Tebaldi to Alfonso d'Este. The Duke had wanted Titian to accompany him to Rome, and Titian had begged off, saying that he was ili. These girls began their careers at the age of about fourteen, usually through the assistance of their mothers, and were "set up" by a wealthy suitor. Indeed one such courtesan, Tullia d'Aragona, had alienated Aretino and either he or Lorenzo Veniero, who worked as his secretary, penned La Tariffa della Puttane di Venetia in , in which poor Tullia was described as "the most abject of whores.
Supposedly, La Zaffetta had survived a trentuno reale herself. The very successful ones attained the status of courtesan, and there was even a hierarchy within that. But the question stili remains, were these the young women depicted in the paintings of Flora, and in the larger group of pictures of which I am suggesting that Floras were a part? The special look of a courtesan was widely known, and it strikingly resembles the girls in these half-length pictures.
The ideal of beauty for these women was lyricized in poetry. He railed out against excessive fashions, cosmetics, high heels, and bleaching one's hair in the sun, or in other words, "repudiating God's intention, by altering your looks. Certainly the height of their shoes, called chopines, elevated them to new heights, sometimes as much as eighteen inches. There is no need to teli you that you are a goddess, but rather to adore you as one. Another letter, written to a male friend: "But now let us talk about my goddesses. Their favors, you say, bave taken me captive. In Palma Vecchio's La Flora, the goddess holds out a handful of primroses to the viewer.
According to Bauhinus, the primrose was also called "St. This more earthly reading of Flora, emphasizing her immorality as opposed to her sensual qualities, was based not on Ovid, but on the writing of Lactantius and others who attacked the pagan tra- dition from whence she had sprung, and these works were well-known in the Renaissance.
Even if these depictions of Flora were not illustrative of any specific text in this regard, that this traditional reading of Flora was known is evident. The idea that during the Renaissance, the portrayal of a woman with one breast exposed in the manner of Alcamenes' Venus Genetrix , became a symbol for a goddess of clas- sical antiquity, was put forth by Wethey in his work on Titian. However, as E. Wind has written, even if one cannot directly establish a link between a literary reading and a picture, one can con- nect a taste and mood and a "community of literary interests" in a specific time and place.
Ali things antique were especially in vogue dur- ing this time in the Renaissance. Above the hangings there was a cornice decorated with gold and ultramarine. On the cornice stood beautiful vases of various precious substances — alabaster, porphyry, serpentine. Ranging round the room were many chests and coffers, richly carved and inlaid, and ali of great value.
The description, taken down in , says, in part: In the court downstairs. The colossal marble head of Hercules. The marble figure of a woman entirely draped, headless and handless, in an- tique. And indeed, a letter from Aretino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, dated August 6, , deals with just this subject of bedroom decoration.
He writes: I understand that the most rare Messer Jacopo Sansovino is about to embellish your bedchamber with a statue of Venus so true to life and so living that it will fili with lustful thoughts the mind of anyone who looks at it, and I have told Sebastino, that miraculous painter, that you want him to make you a painting of anything that pleases him just so long as it is not of some hypocritical religious subject. We do have a record of one such commission. Whether these images were actual portraits of specific beauties or rather idealized composites of the contemporary standards of beauty we cannot know for sure.
Some idealization, especially in the depic- tion of a goddess of love or a goddess of flowers would be likely, but a quick glance at the many half-length views of these women does show a certain individuality in their features which adds to their general intimacy. These idealized portraits, including Titian 's Vlora and Palma Vecchio 's La Flora then, can be seen as a gente of pictoral images casting the young professional beauties of the day as goddesses, and some as the goddess Flora, all' antica.
I bave further argued that these pictures were commissioned by men to bang in their private chambers, that they were valued for their erotic qualities, and that the beauty of the picture could be appreciated whether or not one knew the young woman personally. These images of cinquecento Venetian woman, painted by men for men, elevated the ideal of beauty to the status of goddess, put it on a pedestal for erotic delectation, and used the young women of a cer- tain class for their own sensual pleasures.
Margaret L. King and Albert Rabil, Jr. Guido A. Guarino New Brunswick, N. Meiss New York, , pp. London: Phaidon Press Ltd. Held, "Flora," p. Giorgio Vasari, The Lives ofthe Artists, trans. Jacob Burckhardt, Gesammelte Werke, voi. Robert J. Clements and Lorna Levant, ed. Chubb used the editon of Aretino's letters published by Matteo il Maestron, Paris: Sign of the Four Elements , choosing of them from the 3, to 4, available. Crowe and G. II, p. Chubb, Aretino, p. Hope, Ttttan, pp. Masson uses many primary sources, but as she does not foot- note ber comments, many times the sources are impossible to discern, as in this case.
She uses four different sources for Italian letter collections. Masson, Courtesans, p. This trentuno reale is supposed to bave taken place on the 6th of Aprii, , when Angela was very young. Source: Dialogo di Zoppino. Jay Williams, The World ofTitian e. Chubb, Aretino, pp. Olschki Editore, , p. Source: De Plantis, p. Held, "Flora," pp.
Wethey, Titian, voi. Wind, Pagan Mysteries, p. Marcantonio Michiel, The Anonimo, trans. Reissued , p. The source they are using bere was unpublished at the time, numbered ii, It was a letter from the thousands of Aretino's. L 'incendio nelV oliveta: Rebellion or Disease? While Grazia Delcdda is most often dismissed as a regional writer, a lesser Verga of sorts, a study of the author's mature works reveals that Deledda was not as removed from the literary influ- ences of her day as has often been suggested.
On the contrary, indi- viduai alienation from society, rebellion against traditional norms, and the problems of evil and suffering as unavoidable, integrai elements of a dynamic universal mechanism, constitute the core of the moral problematic in Deledda's narrative. In this respect the Nuorese writer's art, though never deviating from a uniquely Sardinian inspiration, is indeed modem and surprisingly similar to that of her contemporaries in its attempt to deal with issues of a conflicting ethical and moral nature. In his hook, Literary Disease s, Gian Paolo Biasin examines the motif of disease in nineteenth and twentieth century Italian literature, sug- gesting among other things that "an analysis of the theme of disease is a valid instrument for tracing the very precise emergence and develop- ment of social consciousness in Italian literature, along with the related problem of marginality.
Jorgi's paralysis is the result of a crisis of con- science, a reflection of his psychological immobility and his inability to fully break with a past which he claims to bave rejected. L'incen- dio neir oliveta demonstrates even more clearly Deledda 's interest in adapting her narrative formula of sin-remorse-expiation and her fundamentally veristic themes personal interest, material security, religion of the family, sanctity of tradition to the modem metaphor of disease as an existential condition. The plot of the novel revolves around the respected yet financially struggling Marini family.
The main characters include the grandmother, Agostina; her daughter-in-law Nina; Agostina's grandchildren Anna- rosa and Agostino; and Agostina's only surviving son, Juanniccu. In arranging an economically cruciai marriage for Annarosa, the family has set its sight on a well-to-do cousin of Annarosa's, Stefano Mura. Annarosa, however, is in love with a poor student, Gioele Sanna, who returns periodically to the village from Nuoro.
Agostina convinces her granddaughter to accept Stefano 's proposai of marriage in the best interests of the family's financial future. Unbe- knownst to ali but Juanniccu, Nina has fallen in love with Stefano and subsequently resigns herself to the fact that he will marry instead her step-daughter. During the engagement dinner Juanniccu reveals the true sentiments of both Annarosa and Nina. Agostina and her grandson succeed in convincing ali present that Juanniccu is simply half crazed and inebriated, understanding ali the while that he must be silenced if the marriage proposai is to be salvaged.
Agostino takes his uncle to a remote farmhouse in the midst of the family owned olive groves where he beats and imprisons him until the marriage can take place. Upon learning of her brother's actions, Anna- rosa calls off the engagement but not soon enough to save her doomed uncle. Juanniccu sets fire to the farmhouse in which he is being held; the flames consume both him and the precious olive groves, the family's source of economie survival.
Out of guilt over her uncle's death and in the face of imminent rejection by her ailing grandmother, Annarosa consents to marry Stefano in the final scene of the novel. Ali other significant characters in the novel can either be correlated or juxtaposed to Agostina and Juanniccu, suggesting that Deledda, in presenting two different interpretations of disease, is ambivalent, a "marginai" figure herself caught between the fundamental dialectics which permeate the novel: conformity or rebellion; faith or betrayal.
Is disease, by creating diversity and modifying one's relation to the world, at the origin of an attitude of revolt? Or is the attitude of revolt, when it becomes impotent, the one that provokes disease? I believe in the former hypothesis. But with one correction. Disease and revolt are the same thing seen according to two different types of optics: for the 'righteous' man, revolt is disease; for the rebellious, disease is revolt.
In spire of her physical paralysis, a symbol of her psychologi- cal resistance to change, Agostina a true "sparviero" in Deleddian ter- minology has earned through her hawkish vigilance the respect, if not the love, of those under her protection. Agostina 's numerous sermons to family members inevitably bave as their point of reference the Bible, this matriarch's justification for the power which she wields and for the obedience she demands.
The sug- gestion that her authority and position are somehow divinely inspired instills a sense of fear and guilt in those who oppose her will. In the case of Agostina, purely economie factors rather than ethics motivate 56 CARTE ITALIANE her choices: blind obediencc to her wishes has becomc the norm in a family and by cxtension a society which has grown more and more accustomed to subordinating individuai desires to the economie well- being of the group.
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These two contrasting figures embody the major dialectics in the novel: Agostina is reason personified, the sym- bol of tradition. Juanniccu is an irrational dreamer and the consum- mate threat of rebellion. If one considers Juanniccu 's "revolt" within the context of the previ- ously cited statement by Moravia, it is clear that rebellion is synony- mous with degeneracy, a moral deficiency or disease which makes the protagonist "la parte marcia della famiglia," "il verme nel frutto della casa.
E dove sei stato? Sono tre giorni che non ti vedo. Mi sembri l'immagine vivente dei miei peccati. Tutti gli altri della mia famiglia hanno fatto buona riuscita: tu solo sei come l'ultimo pane andato a male, che nes- suno vuole. Juanniccu's rebellious and often irrational behavior is necessarily viewed as a kind of mental imbalance in that it threatens social stability and in particular the cruciai pend- ing marriage between Annarosa and Stefano on which the family's sur- vival hinges.
Hence the logicai conclusion that Zio Juanniccu is in fact mad. In a very Pirandellian sense he is tolerated only insofar as he is considered deranged. As such his marginality is conveniently labeled as disease when in truth "disease" is nothing more than a pretext for revolt, and a tragic one at that.
It is, as Moravia noted regarding the problem in general, "the attitude of revolt when it becomes impotent. In both a poignant and pathetic moment, Juanniccu conveys this lucid insight to Nina who considers the realization of her own dreams as "un impeto di ribellione pazzo. There is always a disturbing truth in every "mad" statement Juanniccu makes.
His introspection and intuition regarding other characters' underlying motivations suggests an undeniable correlation between his disease and truth. Ecco, io dico, a mio parere, che bisognerebbe lasciar fare a ciascuno quello che vuole. Siamo tutti fragili. Non importa nulla Si vive, si muore; si fanno tanti sforzi per riuscire a questo, per privarci di quello, e poi si muore. In general, Deleddian characters feel constrained to adapt to a traditional code of behavior which conflicts with their most basic instincts.
Faced with the choice of whether to con- form or to be emarginated, they are paralyzed by guilt, fear, and sub- sequent indecision. Unable to survive in a very real sense outside the "clan" or community, yet without the necessary faith and strength of their own convictions, these individuai continue to be governed "fatalistically" by the laws of a society which are in essence devoid of meaning for them.
While this type of moral crisis sounds decidedly more veristic than modem, Deledda's artistic lens focuses on the tor- ment of the individuai caught between a sense of duty and nostalgia towards the past and a paradoxical desire to break free from those very same repressive bonds. He does not rail against fate but rather accepts the conditions of exile in a less ironie, yet not totally dissimilar manner as Pirandello's Henry IV.
In the final analysis, however, Juanniccu's "disease" threatens the very fabric of the social structure and must be eliminated. It is ultimately Agostino 's decision to lock his uncle in the family's dis- tant farmhouse for it is Agostino who has labored diligently for the family's survival and who stands to lose ali by his unrestrained actions. Juanniccu's expulsion from the community, his death by fire in the farmhouse, satisfies this society 's very ancient need to purge itself via a necessary scapegoat of its "diseased" or undesirable elements.
Unlike so many other Deleddian outcasts, however, he understands with startling clarity the terms of his more or less self-imposed exile. Consequently he asks for and expects nothing from the world whose values he has rejected. His world is not in fact the world of exteriors and objectivity in which he physically exists "il viso morto di Juanniccu e gli occhi vaghi parevano affacciarsi da un mondo lontano, torbido, ma guardavano di qua, e osservavano le cose del mondo dei vivi" but rather a very subjective, interior world in which he alternates between extremely lucid vision and confused, anguished remorse.
His alcoholism serves as a counterpoinr for his introspection, and in a strange way provides the necessary vehicle for guilt which is typical of ali Deledda's characters. The need to self-castigate as well as to invite punishment and deri- sion by others satisfies such individuai' self-destructive tendencies, individuai who see punishment as obligatory for having failed to abide by societal norms which they are incapable of rejecting in a forthright and constructive fashion.
During his mother's diatribes against him, Juanniccu "ascoltava senza protestare ma anche senza commuoversi" suggesting the perverse yet ever present idea in Deleddian narrative that punishment is necessi- tated by the infraction of silent laws even though there may he no log- icai justification for such punishment. Whereas early in her career Deledda tended to favor novels of "crime and punishment," concrete offenses which by their very heinous nature demanded retribution, in later works "sins" are far more subjective, defined primarily by in- grained attitudes and an obsessive, irrational obedience to archaic codes of social behavior.
In a final desperate act of protest he sets fire to the farmhouse in which he is being held captive. The olive grove, a symbol of the economie motivations which have dominated through- out the novel, is destroyed as is Juanniccu in an ultimate act of self- destruction. Much of the gloom which pervades the end of the novel results from the realization that Juanniccu has been defeated by a stronger yet not morally superior force.
He is, in a very marxist sense, an authentic individuai in a world degraded by economie needs: the "sick" man who is spritually healthy in a "sane" world which is morally deficient. Juanniccu 's end strikes a hopeless chord which is resounded in the fates of other characters: Annarosa consents to a marriage with Stefano, a man she does not love; Nina resigns herself to a life of loneliness; and the servant Mikedda marries the servant Taneddu employing her typical rationale "i servi coi servi, i padroni con i padroni.
Though he appears only once in the novel, Gioele animates the plot, under- mining the efforts of Agostina and those who see his love for Annarosa as a practical impossibility. He is the nemesis in particular of Agostina who views his defects as far more than physical. E tu hai parlato bene, poco fa; ognuno al suo posto, og- nuno col suo decoro, pp.
For Agostina, Gioele 's real handicap is poverty and poor social stand- ing. Like Juanniccu, he possesses a knowledge which threatens, as is evidenced in this passage from one of his letters to Annarosa. While Deledda by had obviously made the cruciai break with ber culture, it was painflilly evident to ber that others had not and would never, given the high cost of rebellion in terms of emotional pain and permanent emargination. The fundamental difference between Gioele the rebel and Stefano, a moderate, may be taken as a final comment on the 62 CARTE ITALIANE novel: the former represents personal and collective salvation via change while the latter expresses hope for the future via assimilation.
Though the ultimate solution is by no nneans a positive one in terms of the alternatives it offers for those who have subordinateci their desires for the well-being of the group, Deledda sees it as the only plausible one in an inert society stili dominated, except in rare instances, by tradi- dional authority figures. Such unique individuals in U incendio nell'oli- veto are the marginai figures ofjuanniccu and Gioele, both "diseased" characters who have been eliminated as obstacles by the novel 's end.
While Deledda's handling of the theme of disease is perhaps less dra- matic than that of Pirandello and certainly lacking in the humor of Svevo it is no less problematic in its approach. It is true that Deledda rarely varied the Sardinian settings and characters which inspired ber writing. Yet there is a universality to Deledda's art recognized by those who awarded ber the Nobel Prize for literature in L'incendio neWoliveto treats the problem of disease as rebellion within the perimeters of a particular sociological context, yet the moral dilemmas presented within the text are addressed to an audience much more con- temporary than Deledda's own isolated Barbaracina society.
The result is a novel which not only transcends the boundaries of rime and place in its message but one which also reaffirms Deledda's position in the ranks of modem Italian literature. Elise Magistro U. Biasin, p. The author refers to Emile Durkheim's conception of the margin- ality of disease as a mirror of the writer's own marginality. II Milano: Mondadori, AH references to the work will be indicated parenthetically widiin the text unless otherwise noted. Underlining in ali cases is my own. Adesso bisogna che ti rassegni, per il bene della famiglia.
Per il bene della famiglia ti parlo, Nina mia: e tu mi ascolti e mi intendi Por a thorough discussion on the subject of taboo in Deledda's works see Anna Dolfi's "Le restrizioni e 'le delire de toucher' " in Grazia Deledda Milano: Mursia, Deledda, L'incendio. Vedeva la figura pallida e cascante dello zio ubriaco, quelle spalle incurvate dal peso di una vita che tende al basso.
Aveva parlato da ubriaco; nulla era vero delle sue parole. Ma in fondo ella sentiva bene che tutto era vero; le parole di lui le erano cadute nell'anima come pietre nell'acqua; l'ombra del dubbio poteva coprirle, ma non le smoveva. Si intesero. Si promettevano di essere foni, di essere sempre le colonne della famiglia. Martin, 3rd ed. See in particular Maria Giacobbe, Grazia Deledda. This attitude dominates throughout the entire body of Deledda's narrative and is confirmed in the author's vast epistolary prior to , the year of her departure from Sardinia. Femminista fu l'atto della sedizione, sedarlo invece opera della conquistata autocoscienza femminile nel poetico.
Ed ora l'assenza e il desiderio con una nota e delicata movenza del verso, si inorgogliscono della loro piena rinascita, del senso non ac- quisito ma conquistato e difeso dal pensiero significante, dal potente Logos femminile. Come riappropriarsi di un mondo che era anche loro se non dopo aver urlato, fino a sentirlo nelle ossa, il loro essere altro?
Un traguardo dunque da raggiun- gere, da superare, da trattenere ma non a guisa di ricordo frustrante. Stefania Zambardino U. Poesia femminista italiana, a cura di L. Di Nola con interventi di B. Frabotta, M. Bettarini e S. Petrignani Roma, Savelli, Poesia d'amore, L'assenza e il desiderio, a cura di F. Pansa e M.
Bucchi Roma, Newton Compton, In claiming that Luigi Pulci 's Morgan te is a propagandistic assertion of Medicean supremacy and "divine right to rule," Constance Jordan dances to a trendy Marxist tune. Jordan does not bave the fancy footwork, nor the historical grounding, to substantiate ber daim. The title of this recent study, as well as its introduction, are enticing; both promise an interdisciplinary look at Quattrocento Flor- ence, at one of the Medici circle intimates, and at a less-studied epic poem.
Jordan stumbles into the same trap as many art bistorians: she claims too much premeditated intention on the part of poet and patron without evidencing her hypotheses with documentation. Apart from the introduction, little use is made in the text of letters, chroni- cles or other historical evidence to complement the literary textual points. This is the allure of interdisciplinary studies and the dilemma of scholars who attempt them: the possibility to explore delicate and complex interrelationships is great, the catch is not to lose sight of one or the other perspective.
Jordan errs on the side of the literary critic, to the point that one seriously questions her choice of subtitle. It is strik- ingly misleading, as this review shall reveal. In her introduction, Ms. Her explanation of the sociopolitica! Her use of Pulci's correspondence with Medici family members, and references from important chronides such as Villani and Dati suggest that she will be incorporating these into the body of her work. Instead, these are a gloss found only in the introduction. The body of the hook, as a glance at the table of contents reveals, is primarily devoted to a traditional literary analysis.
The first chapter, "The Form of the Narrative," is a straightforward structural analysis, replete with diagrams and models. Forcing Pulci's narrative into schematic frameworks and patterns which depict plot progression is not as enlightened an approach to the work as one expects after the in- troduction.