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Rather than using this capital to import foreign luxury goods, it should be put to use in the national economy, in particular to finance the ailing manufacturing sector which continued to suffer from a total lack of balanced development. These, then were the historical circumstances which explain better that anything else the reasons for this new edition. It was intended to create a new political system and promote the transformation of the society based on liberal principles. It presents some interpretative problems that are difficult to resolve right at this point in time. They are problems that are quite common in editions of this period; translators and editors hid behind anonymity, usually for political reasons.

Although the books appeared at a time when there was freedom of expression, the publishers were not confident that such conditions would last and that they would therefore not be subject to persecution in the future. He also included a translation of Rifessioni politiche, without notes of his own 49 , and a clarification addressed to the reader that the author had never completely finished Scienza.

This was normally unnecessary, especially considering that Filangieri generally wrote in a fairly simple style that hardly required a glossary. They also lacked classification according to chapter. Thus it seems that the idea behind these changes was to make the work easier to read and its contents more accessible to the layman.

However, the main problems with them have to do with other issues. The most significant is that once again the work remained incomplete. In addition, and in contrary to what the editor claimed, his corrections can only be described as fairly superficial. Focusing once again on our analysis of Book II, we observe that it still suffered from all the shortcomings of the first edition of the translation and most of the omissions and censored passages.

This is hardly excusable considering that it came out in the same year that the ruling of the Tribunal of the Inquisition was withdrawn. The reference to the Fueros is made in the context of a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of different systems of government.

The Fueros had been responsible for regulating institutional relations between the King and the nobility of the Kingdom of Aragon whilst the latter enjoyed the political autonomy. It must have an Aragonese author and probably someone who was personally associated with Rubio at some point in time. His moderate tendencies are apparent although, to accurately assess this aspect of his identity, we must not lose sight of the fact that in the Spain of the times the conservative forces of society were unrelenting in their vigilance.

These are very eloquent paradoxes of what Spain was like during the reign of Fernando II. This time it was under the government that the liberals installed between and , after the six years of absolutism. This was undoubtedly closely related to the return of Parliament as an active force, although the Cortes , controlled by the liberals, were dissolved by the King before they had time to finish their reforms. They proved to be outstanding for their leadership capacity. And something similar has been noted in the framing of laws with economic content as well Say and B. The latter work was published in in Madrid and was a completely revised version of a translation done a year earlier; it set out to explain the principles of law making devised by this member of the Milanese Enlightenment and encourage their application in the framing of the Spanish penal code His six volume translation of Scienza appeared in Madrid and it was published as a show of support for the new government and the reforms that were being planned.

Ribera included the expressions in Greek left out by Rubio; he translated proper names and book titles into Spanish much more accurately; he did not leave any of them out; he followed the original paragraph structure; and, most important of all, he did not censor any notes or parts of paragraphs.

Thus, forty one years after the first edition of Scienza and thirty four after the first Spanish translation, readers finally had access to a complete version of the work, in all probability, free of any censorship. Paradoxically, this overlapped with the moment in which attempts were made to correct some of the by now dated aspects of the Scienza. Ribera included some brief notes in his translation with this idea in mind. Given that it was now forty years old Scienza could easily be considered behind the times. More specifically, on economic matters, he referred the reader to a treatise by J.

Say for a comparison and update on monetary and taxation policy Say was the most highly regarded economist of the moment in Spain This came out in Madrid in five tomes containing ten volumes; it may have been the work of the editor of the previous edition. Little could be improved in the subsequent edition. But the reproaches against the other translator did not stop there.

958 520 101

There is no doubt that there had been a considerable improvement. There were corrections to the references to the authors and works and also changes in the sense of the text, but the serious problems cited in the edition remained unresolved. The most serious of these was that some paragraphs were still censored even though to a lesser extent than in the two previous editions. It was done in Bordeaux.

This edition had the same structure and content as the preceding one. This was done no doubt to avoid the exchange of reproaches between the two translators continuing. This marked the end of ten years of absolutism and the partial restoration of the principles of the old hierarchical society. The initiative passed back and forth between the two liberal factions, the moderates and the progressives, and intellectual and political tolerance was firmly instated. The main difference between this edition and the previous ones was the inclusion of a translation by Ribera of B.

Without doubt his feature dominated the character of this new edition. It began with a " Advertencia preliminar " to readers in which Ribera, instead of repeating the customary tributes to Filangieri and his work, limited himself to presenting a complete translation of the reasons that Constant gave for writing an extended and critical refutation of Scienza.

In addition, he took advantage of the edition to revise his previous work. The version was not just a simple re-issue of the two previous ones of and of , it was more like a slightly revised re-edition. For example, in Volume II of Scienza , he not only took out the expressions in Greek and made some other minor changes, but he also included some new notes with the idea of clarifying a number of points related to public health for the Spanish reader. Despite the changes, there was no appreciable improvement in quality. There are two more features that we must highlight: one was the incorporation of some brief but not particularly relevant original notes 80 ; the other was that he retained the Elogio storico by Tommasi 81 , instead of using the biography by the Calabrian author, Saverio Salfi.

It was his work that normally accompanied the enlarged edition of Scienza that included Commentaire by Constant This was written in , although it was not published until five years later. The author, once again, was from legal circles. His work was not a translation of Scienza , but rather a summary of the first, second and third books in the first and second parts. It was a highly condensed summary at that, as the author needed few more than a couple of hundred pages to summarize the content of all those parts of the work together with his own, at times no less lengthy notes.

As for the summary of Volume II, it is not particularly accurate and it is pretty obvious that it was written by someone who was not familiar with economics. He had just one difference of opinion with Filangieri and it was to do with the taxation system. Torrente -in this case was due to the fact that this book was mainly based on the economic works of the Italian M. Gioia Even though Scienza continued to be quoted in the following decade by authors like N.

The work enjoyed extraordinary success in this country and appeared in a wide variety of formats, ranging from translations, refutations and commented versions through to summaries it is worth remembering that this great success created very favourable conditions for the dissemination of Scienza in the Spanish American colonies; see Chiaramonte , The work enjoyed a long life as well -and Venturi coincides with this assessment- 89 , first appearing in and remaining in the public eye until Scienza was in fact one of the most influential pieces of eighteenth century writing that continued to command an audience in the following century.

It was in the nineteenth century that five of the six translations that were made of Scienza appeared. Meanwhile, his work did not receive any exposure when the absolutists were in power. It should be stressed the easy introduction of the economic message of the Scienza della Legislazione into Spain, in contrast with the difficulties found by their political content, which created a deep controversy in the last decades of the Eighteenth Century Spain. The reformist program included in the book which grounded on the firm defence of the individual rights seems to be too modern regarding the Spanish cultural conditions at the time.

Despite the members of the Late Spanish Enlightenment did accept the political principles of the Scienza della Legislazione , the conservative group rejected them as they were aware of their consequences. Therefore, this contributes to explain the partial and sometimes complete censorship that the book suffered when it was introduced into Spain for the first time.

When Filangieri wrote his work, these ties were above all political ones, but there were also important cultural ones, as Venturi repeatedly explained in his usual masterly fashion This movement was without doubt the fundamental factor in the flow of ideas that originated in the Italian States; it exerted more influence in Spain than the enlightened movement based in the Milan of Austrian Lombardy -except for Beccaria It reached Spain mainly through the Aragonese and Valencian Enlightenment The latter overshadowed the appearance of writings by Neapolitan disciples of Genovesi and Filangieri Palmieri, Pagano, Galanti, etc… 96 , who were, by in large, not nearly as well known in Spain.

Despite this, the period of translation of Neapolitan authors and their intellectual influence in this country went beyond the eighteenth century. The three authors spanned a period of influence of seven decades Perhaps Venturi 97 was not able to perceive the true dimensions of this phenomenon: the mark the Neapolitan "partito degli intellettuali" Galasso made in Spain was no less important than the one the Spanish enlightened writers made in Italy -this has become clearer thanks to the articles of N. Except for Beccaria, only Bentham bears comparison with Filangieri.

His writings were widely circulated in Spain, mainly between and All this confirms the importance that this type of treatise had as a means of ideological renewal during prolonged periods of time. Nevertheless, we must seek many of the keys to understanding the success of the work in the subject matter itself and look further a field than the individual elements that stand out by their very nature such as its multidisciplinary make up, its Masonic roots, its unified spirit and its aforementioned cosmopolitan scope which extended beyond the specific problems of the Mezzogiorno.

This linked Scienza to a relativist methodology that insisted on taking into account the particular physical, economic, political and cultural characteristics of each country when applying his reforms to the mechanisms for law making Combined with the importance he attached to education as a tool for spreading knowledge and shaping public opinion, the pacifica rivoluzione that he advocated revolved around the reform of those areas of the law that continued to protect feudal privileges. His reforms required a sustained effort from administration and an efficient use of authority from the State.

These figures displayed strong interest in law making and significant anti-clerical, anti-feudal and liberalizing tendencies. He abandoned the " prudente, contenuto e misurato " language used by Genovesi to address the issue. The anti-feudal aspect of Scienza was very important; Galanti, Delfico and Palmieri subsequently took up the issue and it became an important factor in the work being accepted by the second generation of Enlightened Spaniards Foronda, Jovellanos, etc.

However, there was an important difference in the reformist strategies adopted by the Spaniards and the Neapolitans: wilst the backbone of the approach used during the Spanish Enlightenment was the drafting of an Agrarian Law, Genovesi, Filangieri, Galanti and Delfico rejected this possibility: they claimed it was " utopistico " and " innaturale " and symptomatic of an undesirable and egalitarian radicalism In the mean time, the fact that the backbone of Scienza was its juridical content facilitated its acceptance amongst the professionals of the legal world in Spain.

His disenchantment with the Bourbons was brought about by territorial changes taking place in Europe while the work was being written , the American Revolution and the way it contributed to revive the debate over forms of government and the bold reforms implemented by Leopold in Tuscany and Marie Teresa and Joseph II in Lombardy. The book included enough innovative ideas for its author to be proclaimed a "prophet that showes the way" for future generations The slow advance of Spanish liberalism turned the old inherited problems into chronic ones; this made it more difficult to renounce the old enlightened legacy or, in this case, to achieve its radical modernization.

They used much the same terms as those used many years before by their enlightened predecessors. It proved possible to bring Scienza up to date and to make certain corrections, and that is what Ribera and Latorre insisted on doing. All this in itself demonstrates the extent of the differences involved in passing from enlightened reformism to the emerging liberal thought in each European country and the varying speeds with which the latter took root in each of them.

And this also applies to what Galasso termed "the other Europe". As he recently stressed, the only way to arrive at a balanced assessment of relations between Naples and Spain during this period -that is, one untainted by nationalist prejudices- is to focus on the problem from a broader European perspective. Beccaria, Cesare []: De los delitos y de las penas , Madrid.

Madrid, Alianza, Raffaele Ajello, Napoli, I, Paris, Chez Cuchet. Y traducidas al castellano , Madrid, Benito Cano, Gaetano Filangieri , Palermo. Salfi , Paris, P. Dufart, 6 vol. Pasquale Villari, Firenze, Felice le Monnier. Manuel Rivacoba, Vitoria, Ararteko, Oliva, 4 vol.

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Ajello, Raffaele []: Arcana juris. Diritto e politica nel Settecento italiano , Napoli, Jovene editore. Filangieri []. Introduzione alla Scienza di Filangieri ", in Aa. Fuentes Quintana ed. Asso, Pier Francesco ed. Asso ed. Bousquet, G. Beccaria , Torino, Acc. Chiaramonte, J. Chiosi, Elvira []: Lo spirito del secolo. Beccaria [ ].

Diaz, Furio []: Per una storia illuministica , Napoli, Guida. Faucci, Riccardo ed. Donato Tommasi e la legislazione delle Sicilie , Napoli, Jovene, Ferrer benimelli, J. La metamorfosi della ragione nel tardo settecento italiano , Roma-Bari, Laterza. Fiorot, Dino []: "Alcune considerazioni sulle idee sociali ed economiche di Gaetano Filangieri", in Aa. Frosini, Vittorio []: "Filangieri e Constant: un dialogo fra due secoli", in Aa. Fubini, Mario ed. Fuentes quintana, Enrique ed. La cultura napoletana del Settecento , Napoli, Guida.

Spanish translation: Madrid, Aguilar, Fuentes quintana ed. Mateo del peral, D. Filangieri , Milano, A. Pasta, Renato []: "Illuminismo e organizzazione della cultura", Studi storici , 22, pp. Pastor fuster, J. Faucci ed. Pinto, Mario di ed. Rivacoba, Manuel []: "Estudio Preliminar" to M. Romero, Rosario []: "Illuministi meridionali", in M. Fubini ed.

Godwin et. Spanish translation: E. Tagliacozzo, Giorgio []: Economisti napoletani dei Sec. Capelli editore. Spanish translation: F. Estape ed. Tomo V. Riformatori napoletani , Milano-Napoli, Riccardo-Ricciardi editore. Corso di Storia Moderna, anno accademico, Torino, Tirrenia, s. Riformatori napoletani. Gaetano Filangieri. Scritti , Torino, Einaudi, pp. Labor reformista de Villalpando , Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca. Mapa I. Texto integral PDF Assinalar este documento. Secondary sources Aa. Filangieri, La Scienza della legislazione , Pasquale Villari ed.

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La unificación de luz, electricidad y magnetismo: la "síntesis electromagnética" de Maxwell

In idem, Die Entdeckung der Person. Metaphysik der Freiheit und modernes Menschenbild , Descartes, Suarez, et la question de l' ens per se '. In Descartes et Regius. Autour de l'explication de l'esprit humain , ed. Theo Verbeek, Amsterdam: Rodopi, Volpi, Franco. Beuchot, Mauricio. Doctor Communis 45 : Campa, Riccardo. In idem, I trattatisti spagnoli del diritto delle gente , Madrid: Union Printing Editori, Fordham International Law Journal Pensamiento 48 : Topoi 11 : The American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 65 : American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 65 : Scott McDonald, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, The Modern Schoolman The American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly Lloyd, Howell A.

James Henderson Burns and Mark Goldie, Meron, Theodor.

Cómics y vinilos

American Journal of International Law Barcelona: Promociones Publicaciones Universitarias, Cuadernos de pensamiento 6 : PhD Diss. Salmon, John H. Stimmen der Zeit : Treloar, John L. Bastit, Michel. Naissance de la loi moderne. The Modern Schoolman 68 : Honnefelder, Ludger.

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