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Desgraciadamente, el organizador es asesinado esa aciaga noche. Cuando llega , el pasado reciente adopta un halo irreal. Una de ellas es Carvalho, que sigue siendo Carvalho. Y Charo reaparece. State Department, disappeared in New York. How did a Basque politician become linked to the cesspits of a Caribbean nation?

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Was he linked to dark conspiracies? Was he an idealistic hero, or a Machiavellian villain? This book is an extremely effective mix of political novel and historical thriller, with a plot that brings together the world of Spanish exiles following the Civil War, Caribbean dictators, and the underworld of U. Full of stylistic and research ambitions. Reverte, El Mundo.

A character full of nuances. Pepe Carvalho is set to retire. With that, the detective, former communist, and one-time employee of the CIA, must find out where this note is from. Is the threat real? Is it the work of one person? Or is it one of the real estate moguls tearing Barcelona apart in their battle over the most important properties of Catalonia? His greatest concern is with his stomach, but when not pursuing delicacies, he can unravel the most tangled of mysteries?

Por supuesto, el autor niega cualquier paralelismo con personajes o situaciones reales. Este volumen propone tres historias ambientadas en nuestro mundo y en nuestro tiempo. En la primera, el detective Pepe Carvalho recuerda su infancia, y reflexiona sobre el paso del tiempo y los hitos que nos sirven de referencias. Tenso relato de corte policial, se apoya en un grupo de personajes inquietantes, en un investigador sagaz, y en una marea oculta de relaciones y secretos.

El pianista no le dijo nada. Charo es una honesta prostituta que, entre cliente y cliente, comparte cama y desayuno con el detective Carvalho. Carvalho viaja a Tailandia, requerido por una antigua amiga, aficionada a los amantes y a los asuntos turbios. But the Party refuses to believe it was an inside job. They turn to former member Pepe Carvalho.

In search of the spirit of Paul Gauguin, Stuart Pedrell—eccentric Barcelona businessman, construction magnate, dreamer, and patron of poets and painters—disappeared not long after announcing plans to travel to the South Pacific. A year later he is found stabbed to death at a construction site in Barcelona. Carvalho, a jaded former communist, must travel through circles of the old anti-Franco left wing on the trail of the killer. But with little appetite for politics, Carvalho also leads us on a tour through literature, cuisine, and the criminal underbelly of Barcelona in a typically brilliant twist on the genre by a Spanish master.

When Antonio Jauma, a director of the multinational conglomerate Petnay, is murdered, his widow seeks out private investigator Pepe Carvalho, who had met and forgotten the playboy executive after their single chance encounter—back when Carvalho still worked for the CIA. Only Pepe Carvalho could use a tattoo saying "Born to Raise Hell in Hell" as evidence that the police are, once again, dead wrong.

In a Spain still stifled under the rule of Franco, former CIA operative —and former Communist— Pepe Carvalho has become so cynical he seems to care about nothing except food and sex. He's even taken to burning the occasional book in his Barcelona apartment, just so he can have a fire going in the fireplace when he eats some bacalhao. But when he sees the cops bungling a case he's hired to investigate--that of a body pulled out of the sea--he's roused by a sense of injustice. The cops think the murder was connected to local drug dealers and brothels, and they begin raiding bars and harassing Barcelona's women of the night.

But Carvalho's gut tells him something else is going on, and the cops are wrong once again. As the cops stir up more and more trouble, and Carvalho gets more and more entwined, he's only got one clue: a tattoo on the dead man's body, one which reads: "Born to Raise Hell in Hell.

El protagonista, Humphrey Bogart, vive obsesionado por una mujer, Lola, a la que sigue de un lugar a otro a lo largo de medio mundo. Esta novela fue el alumbramiento de Pepe Carvalho como personaje literario. Estamos en la Catalunya pirenaica en Versa sobre las ciudades del cuerpo, del alma, de la memoria personal, terrestre, sobre la memoria original de la materia en el tiempo Es decir, sobre la ciudad de la Historia.

Daniela encarna a los perdedores, a quienes han vivido el entusiasmo de las primeras revoluciones y el silencio de la dictadura. La influencia de T. Elliot es patente en varios poemas. Carvalho cocina una pata de cordero a la cerveza y habla, habla a los presentes entre libros. El autor describe y contextualiza la figura del subcomandante Marcos y del movimiento neozapatista. El escritor no duda en desenterrar los demonios personales del artista, sin los cuales su talento no se hubiese proyectado con tanto vigor en los lienzos. And for everyone interested in art and architecture, politics and sport, it will provide an enthralling introduction to the great European city.

MVM has the gift of clinging to the most trivial events in public life in order to find the general meaning of the story in the most everyday details. Incluye las letras de muchas de sus primeras canciones. Porque la buena literatura nunca muere. El merecido homenaje a un gran genio. El secretario general del PCE es asesinado en el convulso Madrid de los ochenta.

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Carvalho es el encargado de averiguar su identidad. Y con este impresionante nivel de calidad, bienvenido sea. Esta nos permite hacer de la necesidad, virtud; de lo saludable, algo sabroso y hasta suculento. La complicidad entre ambos propicia respuestas poco o nada convencionales. Este libro recoge las mejores recetas de la serie. Y es que la cocina, como la literatura, es una soberbia manera de crear mundos imaginarios.

Merceditas se enamora de Hitler. El laberinto griego, El pianista, Los mares del sur, Tatuaje, Skip to main content. Warmly recommended. Bibliography Franquism Dictionary, Read more. Novel Milenio Carvalho II. Milenio Carvalho I. Rumbo a Kabul, Erec y Enide, Quinteto de Buenos Aires, El hombre de mi vida, El premio, El estrangulador, El delantero centro fue asesinado al atardecer, Historias de fantasmas, Los alegres muchachos de Atzavara, Tres historias de amor, Historias de padres e hijos, Cuarteto, El balneario, La vida privada del Dr.

Betriu, La soledad del manager, Happy end, Short stories and novellas Cuentos negros, Cuentos blancos, El matarife, Ciudad, Pero el viajero que huye, Memoria y deseo , Praga, A la sombra de las muchachas sin flor, Antes de que el milenio nos separe Antes de que el milenio nos separe, Flor de Nit, Non-fiction Diccionario del franquismo, La Aznaridad, El escriba sentado, Panfleto desde el planeta de los simios, Pasionaria y los siete enanitos, He established a military dictatorship and proclaimed himself Head of State and Government under the title Caudillo.

At the same time, he outlawed all other political parties, and thus Spain became a one-party state.

Upon his rise to power, Franco implemented policies that repressed political opponents and dissenters , whereby as many as between 60, [7] [8] [9] and , died [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] through the use of forced labor and executions in the concentration camps his regime operated. However, scholars consider Franco as conservative and authoritarian, rather than truly fascist. Historian Stanley G. Payne states, "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the Generalissimo to have been a core fascist.

Spain was isolated by many other countries for nearly a decade after World War II. By the s, the nature of his regime changed from being openly totalitarian using severe repression to an authoritarian system with limited pluralism [18] and was allowed to join the UN. After chronic economic depression in the late s and early s, Franco presided over the Spanish miracle , abandoning autarky and pursuing economic liberalization, delegating authority to liberal ministers.

He restored the monarchy before his death, which made King Juan Carlos I his successor, who led the Spanish transition to democracy. His father was of Andalusian ancestry. His parents married in The latter died in infancy.

Francisco was to follow his father into the Navy, but as a result of the Spanish—American War the country lost much of its navy as well as most of its colonies. Not needing any more officers, the Naval Academy admitted no new entrants from to To his father's chagrin, Francisco decided to try the Spanish Army.

In , he entered the Infantry Academy in Toledo , graduating in July as second lieutenant st out of cadets. Spanish efforts to occupy their new African protectorate provoked the protracted Rif War from to with native Moroccans. Their tactics resulted in heavy losses among Spanish military officers , and also provided an opportunity to earn promotion through merit. It was said that officers would receive either la caja o la faja a coffin or a general's sash. Franco quickly gained a reputation as a good officer.

In , Franco transferred into the newly formed regulares : Moroccan colonial troops with Spanish officers, who acted as shock troops. The letters between the two were found and she was questioned by journalists. In , aged 23 and already a captain, he was shot by enemy machine gun fire. He was badly wounded in the abdomen, specifically the liver, in a skirmish at El Biutz and possibly lost a testicle.

His survival marked him permanently in the eyes of the native troops as a man of baraka good luck. With that he was promoted to major at the end of February at age This made him the youngest major in the Spanish army. From to , he served in Spain. Franco became the Legion's second-in-command and returned to Africa. On 24 July , the poorly commanded and overextended Spanish Army suffered a crushing defeat at Annual from Rif tribesmen led by the Abd el-Krim brothers.

The Legion and supporting units relieved the Spanish enclave of Melilla after a three-day forced march led by Franco. In , by now a lieutenant colonel , he was made commander of the Legion. Promoted to colonel , Franco led the first wave of troops ashore at Al Hoceima Spanish : Alhucemas in This landing in the heartland of Abd el-Krim's tribe, combined with the French invasion from the south, spelled the beginning of the end for the short-lived Republic of the Rif. Franco's recognition eventually caught up with him and he was promoted to brigadier general on 3 February This made him the youngest general in Spain, and perhaps, along with Major-General Joe Sweeney of the Irish Army , one of the youngest generals in Europe.

In Franco was appointed director of the newly created General Military Academy of Zaragoza, a new college for all army cadets , replacing the former separate institutions for young men seeking to become officers in infantry, cavalry, artillery, and other branches of the army. With the fall of the monarchy in , Franco did not take any notable stand. Franco stressed in his speech the Republic's need for discipline and respect. For six months Franco was without a post and under surveillance. Yet it was quite common for the Conservative Officers to be moved or demoted.

New elections held in October resulted in a centre-right majority. This uprising was rapidly quelled in most of the country, but gained a stronghold in Asturias , with the support of the miners ' unions. Franco, already General of Division and aide to the war minister, Diego Hidalgo , was put in command of the operations directed to suppress the insurgency. After two weeks of heavy fighting and a death toll estimated between 1, and 2, , the rebellion was suppressed. The insurgency in Asturias see Asturian miners' strike of sharpened the antagonism between Left and Right.

Some time after these events, Franco was briefly commander-in-chief of the Army of Africa from 15 February onwards , and from 19 May , on, Chief of the General Staff. After the ruling centre-right coalition collapsed amid the Straperlo corruption scandal, new elections were scheduled. Two wide coalitions formed: the Popular Front on the left, ranging from Republican Union to Communists , and the Frente Nacional on the right, ranging from the centre radicals to the conservative Carlists.

On 16 February , the left won by a narrow margin. The government and its supporters, the Popular Front, had launched a campaign against the Opposition whom they accused of plotting against the Republic. According to the right-wing opposition, the real enemies of the Republic were not on the Right but on the Left; Spain was in imminent danger of falling under a "Communist dictatorship", and therefore by fighting the democratically elected Popular Front, they were merely doing their duty in defence of law and order and of the freedom and the fundamental rights of the Spanish people.

On 23 February Franco was sent to the Canary Islands to serve as the islands' military commander, an appointment perceived by him as a destierro banishment. In June, Franco was contacted and a secret meeting was held within the forest of La Esperanza on Tenerife to discuss starting a military coup. Outwardly Franco maintained an ambiguous attitude almost until July. On 23 June , he wrote to the head of the government, Casares Quiroga , offering to quell the discontent in the Spanish Republican Army , but received no reply.

After various postponements, 18 July was fixed as the date of the uprising. The situation reached a point of no return and, as presented to Franco by Mola, the coup was unavoidable and he had to choose a side. He decided to join the rebels and was given the task of commanding the Army of Africa. On 18 July, Franco published a manifesto [44] and left for Africa, where he arrived the next day to take command. A week later the rebels, who soon called themselves the Nationalists , controlled a third of Spain; most naval units remained under control of the Republican loyalist forces, which left Franco isolated.

The coup had failed in the attempt to bring a swift victory, but the Spanish Civil War had begun. The Spanish Civil War began in July and officially ended with Franco's victory in April , leaving , [45] to , [46] dead. Despite the Non-Intervention Agreement of August , the war was marked by foreign intervention on behalf of both sides, leading to international repercussions. They were opposed by the Soviet Union and communists, socialists and anarchists within Spain.

This interpretation has not been accepted by most historians, who consider the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War to be two distinct conflicts. Among other things, they point to the political heterogeneity on both sides See Spanish Civil War: other factions and criticise a monolithic interpretation, which overlooks the local nuances of Spanish history.

Following 18 July pronunciamiento , Franco assumed the leadership of the 30, soldiers of the Spanish Army of Africa. The first days of the insurgency were marked with a serious need to secure control over the Spanish Moroccan Protectorate. On one side, Franco had to win the support of the natives and their nominal authorities, and, on the other, had to ensure his control over the army.

His method was the summary execution of some senior officers loyal to the Republic one of them his own cousin. His loyal bodyguard was shot by Manuel Blanco. He requested help from Benito Mussolini , who responded with an unconditional offer of arms and planes; in Germany Wilhelm Canaris , the head of the Abwehr military intelligence, persuaded Hitler to support the Nationalists. From 20 July onward Franco was able, with a small group of 22 mainly German Junkers Ju 52 aircraft, to initiate an air bridge to Seville , where his troops helped to ensure the rebel control of the city.

Through representatives, he started to negotiate with the United Kingdom, Germany, and Italy for more military support, and above all for more aircraft. Negotiations were successful with the last two on 25 July and aircraft began to arrive in Tetouan on 2 August. On 5 August Franco was able to break the blockade with the newly arrived air support, successfully deploying a ship convoy with some 2, soldiers. All these planes had the Nationalist Spanish insignia painted on them, but were flown by Italian and German nationals.

The backbone of Franco's aviation in those days were the Italian SM. This controversial decision gave the Popular Front time to strengthen its defenses in Madrid and hold the city that year, but with Soviet support. The first load of arms and tanks arrives as early as 26 September and was secretly unloaded at night. Advisers accompanied the armaments. Soviert officers were in effective charge of military operations on the Madrid front. Kennan believes that this operation was originally conducted in good faith with no other purpose than saving the Republic. Hitler told his Generals on 5 November "A per cent victory for Franco was not desirable either".

However, by February the Soviet Union's military help started to taper off, to be replaced by limited economic aid. A more likely motive was Stalin's instinct for self-preservation, because the Spanish Civil War had aroused a spirit of heroism in support of freedom more in line with Trotskyism and such ideas might be exported to the Soviet Union. Further proof of this is what Modin stated that Stalin decided to attack the extreme Left, particularly Trotskyites and militants of the POUM before liquidating Franco. The defector Orlov, who worked for the NVKD in Spain, confirms that he was told by a General, whom Orlov did not want to name, that when the General returned to Moscow to seek further instructions, he was told that the Politburo had adopted a new line towards Spain.

Until then, the policy of the Politburo was to assist Republican Spain by supplying armaments, Soviet pilots and tanks in order to bring about a speedy victory over Franco; but now the Politburo had revised its strategy. Stalin had come to the conclusion that "It would be more advantageous to the Soviet Union if neither of the warring camps gained proponderant strength, and if the war in Spain dragged on as long as possible and thus tied up Hitler for a long time. Therefore, in the nationalist zone, "political life ceased. From 24 July a coordinating junta was established, based at Burgos.

Nominally led by Cabanellas, as the most senior general, [56] it initially included Mola, three other generals, and two colonels; Franco was later added in early August.

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Franco's previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated, and also he had cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy. Franco personally guided military operations from this time until the end of the war. After the failed assault on Madrid in November , Franco settled on a piecemeal approach to winning the war, rather than bold maneuvering. As with his decision to relieve the garrison at Toledo, this approach has been subject of some debate; some of his decisions, such as in June when he preferred to head for Valencia instead of Catalonia , remain particularly controversial from a military viewpoint.

Valencia, Castellon and Alicante saw the last Republican troops defeated by Franco. Although both Germany and Italy provided military support to Franco, the degree of influence of both powers on his direction of the war seems to have been very limited. Nevertheless, the Italian troops, despite not being always effective , were present in most of the large operations in large numbers, while the German aircraft helped the Nationalist air force dominate the skies for most of the war. Franco's direction of the German and Italian forces was limited, particularly in the direction of the Condor Legion , but he was by default their supreme commander, and they rarely made decisions on their own.

For reasons of prestige it was decided to continue assisting Franco until the end of the war, and Italian and German troops paraded on the day of the final victory in Madrid. The Nazis were disappointed with Franco's resistance to installing fascism. Historian James S. Corum states:. Unlike some other fascist movements, the Falangists had developed an official program in , the "Twenty-Seven Points".

Five days later 24 April the raised-arm salute of the Falange was made the official salute of the Nationalist regime. This new political formation appeased the pro-German Falangists while tempering them with the anti-German Carlists. Franco also appeased the Carlists by exploiting the Republicans' anti-clericalism in his propaganda, in particular concerning the " Martyrs of the war ".

While the loyalist forces presented the war as a struggle to defend the Republic against Fascism, Franco depicted himself as the defender of "Catholic Spain" against "atheist Communism. By early only Madrid see History of Madrid and a few other areas remained under control of the government forces. On 28 March , with the help of pro-Franco forces inside the city the " fifth column " General Mola had mentioned in propaganda broadcasts in , Madrid fell to the Nationalists. The next day, Valencia , which had held out under the guns of the Nationalists for close to two years, also surrendered.

Victory was proclaimed on 1 April , when the last of the Republican forces surrendered. On the same day, Franco placed his sword upon the altar of a church and in a vow, promised that he would never again take up his sword unless Spain itself was threatened with invasion. Although Germany had recognised the Franco Government, Franco's policy towards Germany was extremely cautious until spectacular German victories at the beginning of the Second World War.

An early indication that Franco was going to keep his distance from Germany soon proved true. Instead Goering had to return to Berlin. This proved how right Eden was when he said "Whatever the final outcome of the strife There are twenty-four million reasons why Spain will never for long be dominated by the forces or controlled by the advice of any foreign power.

According to Paul Preston , , wartime civilian executions took place in the Francoist area, as well as 50, in the Republican area, in addition to 20, civilians executed by the Franco regime after the end of the war. According to Stanley G. Payne , at least 70, people were executed during the civil war. According to Gabriel Jackson, the number of victims of the "White Terror" executions and hunger or illness in prisons only between and was , Stanley Payne approximates there were 50, Civil War executions by the Republicans and approximately 70, by the Nationalists.

Payne further approximates there were 30, post-Civil War executions by the victorious Nationalists. In his history of the Spanish Civil War, Antony Beevor "reckons Franco's ensuing ' white terror ' claimed , lives. The ' red terror ' had already killed 38, Despite the official end of the war, guerrilla resistance to Franco known as "the maquis " was widespread in many mountainous regions, and continued well into the s. In , a group of republican veterans, which also fought in the French resistance against the Nazis , invaded the Val d'Aran in northwest Catalonia , but they were quickly defeated.

The 17, refugees housed in Gurs were divided into four categories Brigadists , pilots, Gudaris and ordinary 'Spaniards'. The Gudaris Basques and the pilots easily found local backers and jobs, and were allowed to quit the camp, but the farmers and ordinary people, who could not find relations in France, were encouraged by the Third Republic, in agreement with the Francoist government, to return to Spain.

From there they were transferred to the Miranda de Ebro camp for "purification" according to the Law of Political Responsibilities. Along with other "undesirables", they were sent to the Drancy internment camp before being deported to Nazi Germany. Franco's demands, including supplies of food and fuel, as well as Spanish control of Gibraltar and French North Africa , proved too much for Hitler.

At the time Hitler did not want to risk damaging his relations with the new Vichy French government. An oft-cited remark attributed to Hitler is that the German leader said that he would rather have some of his own teeth extracted than to have to personally deal further with Franco. He described Spain as part of the Axis in official documents, while offering various kinds of support to Italy and Germany. Franco's common ground with Hitler was particularly weakened by Hitler's propagation of Nazi mysticism and his attempts to manipulate Christianity , which went against Franco's fervent commitment to defending Catholicism.

Some historians argue that Franco made demands he knew Hitler would not accede to in order to stay out of the war. Other historians argue that Franco, as the leader of a destroyed and bankrupt country in chaos following a brutal three-year civil war, simply had little to offer the Axis and that the Spanish armed forces were not ready for a major war.

Yet, after the Fall of France in June , Spain did adopt a pro-Axis stance for example, German and Italian ships and U-boats were allowed to use Spanish naval facilities before returning to a more neutral position in late when the tide of the war had turned decisively against the Axis Powers, and Italy had changed sides. Franco was initially keen to join the war before the UK was defeated. Spain depended on oil imports from the United States, which were almost certain to be cut off if Spain formally joined the Axis.

Some historians have argued that not all of the Blue Division were true volunteers and that Franco expended relatively small but significant resources to aid the Axis powers' battle against the Soviet Union. In addition Hitler felt Spain would be a burden as it would be dependent on Germany for help. By Vichy French forces were proving their effectiveness in North Africa, reducing the need for Spanish help, and Hitler was wary about opening up a new front on the western coast of Europe as he struggled to reinforce the Italians in Greece and Yugoslavia.

Franco signed a revised Anti-Comintern Pact on 25 November After the war, the Spanish government tried to destroy all evidence of its cooperation with the Axis. In documents were discovered showing that on 13 May , Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers. On 14 June , Spanish forces in Morocco occupied Tangier a city under the rule of the League of Nations and did not leave it until the war's end in Spain provided visas for thousands of French Jews to transit Spain en route to Portugal, to escape the Nazis.

At least some 20,—30, Jews were allowed to pass through Spain in the first half of the War. Jews who were not allowed to enter Spain however, were sent to the Miranda de Ebro concentration camp or deported to France. In January , after the German embassy in Spain told Spanish government that it had two months to remove its Jewish citizens from Western Europe, Spain severely limited visas, and only Jews were allowed to enter the country.

After the war, Franco exaggerated his contribution in helping to save Jews in order to end Spain's isolation and to improve Spain's image in the world. Despite this, however, on 16 December , the regime formally revoked the Edict of Expulsion against Spain's Jewish population. On paper, Franco had more power than any Spanish leader before or since.

For the first four years after taking Madrid, he ruled almost exclusively by decree. The "Law of the Head of State," passed in August , "permanently confided" all governing power to Franco; he was not required to even consult the cabinet for most legislation or decrees. He noted that while Hitler and Stalin maintained rubber-stamp parliaments, this was not the case in Spain in the early years after the war—a situation that nominally made Franco's regime "the most purely arbitrary in the world.

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It was elected in accordance with corporatist principles, and had little real power. Notably, it had no control over government spending, and the government was not responsible to it; ministers were appointed and dismissed by Franco alone. On 26 July Franco proclaimed Spain a monarchy, but did not designate a monarch. This gesture was largely done to appease the monarchists in the Movimiento Nacional Carlists and Alfonsists. Franco left the throne vacant until , proclaiming himself as a de facto regent for life.

At the same time, Franco appropriated many of the privileges of a king. In addition he began walking under a canopy , and his portrait appeared on most Spanish coins and postage stamps. He also added " by the grace of God ", a phrase usually part of the styles of monarchs, to his style. Franco initially sought support from various groups. His administration marginalised fascist ideologues in favor of technocrats , many of whom were linked with Opus Dei , who promoted economic modernisation.

Although Franco and Spain under his rule adopted some trappings of fascism, he, and Spain under his rule, are generally not considered to be fascist; among the distinctions, fascism entails a revolutionary aim to transform society, where Franco did not seek to do so, and, to the contrary, although authoritarian, he was by nature conservative and traditional. With the end of World War II, Spain suffered from the consequences of its isolation from the international economy.

Spain was excluded from the Marshall Plan , [] unlike other neutral countries in Europe. This situation ended in part when, in the light of Cold War tensions and of Spain's strategic location, the United States of America entered into a trade and military alliance with Franco. Spain was then admitted to the United Nations in The first decade of Franco's rule following the end of the Civil War in saw continued repression and the killing of an undetermined number of political opponents. Estimation is difficult and controversial, but the total number of people who were killed during this period probably lies somewhere between 15, and 50, By the start of the s Franco's state had become less violent, but during his entire rule, non-government trade unions and all political opponents across the political spectrum , from communist and anarchist organisations to liberal democrats and Catalan or Basque separatists, were either suppressed or tightly controlled with all means, up to and including violent police repression.

Franco's Spanish nationalism promoted a unitary national identity by repressing Spain's cultural diversity. Bullfighting and flamenco [] were promoted as national traditions while those traditions not considered "Spanish" were suppressed. Franco's view of Spanish tradition was somewhat artificial and arbitrary: while some regional traditions were suppressed, Flamenco , an Andalusian tradition, was considered part of a larger, national identity.

All cultural activities were subject to censorship, and many, such as the Sardana , the national dance of Catalunya , were plainly forbidden often in an erratic manner. This cultural policy was relaxed over time, most notably during the late s and early s. Franco also used language politics in an attempt to establish national homogeneity. He promoted the use of Castilian Spanish and suppressed other languages such as Catalan , Galician , and Basque.

The legal usage of languages other than Castilian was forbidden. All government, notarial, legal and commercial documents were to be drawn up exclusively in Castilian and any documents written in other languages were deemed null and void. The usage of any other language was forbidden in schools, in advertising, and on road and shop signs. For unofficial use, citizens continued to speak these languages. This was the situation throughout the s and to a lesser extent during the s, but after the non-Castilian Spanish languages were freely spoken and written, and they reached bookshops and stages, although they never received official status.

On the other hand, the Catholic Church was upheld as the established church of the Spanish State, and it regained many of the traditional privileges which it had lost under the Republic. Civil servants had to be Catholic, and some official jobs even required a "good behavior" statement by a priest. Civil marriages which had taken place in Republican Spain were declared null and void unless they had been confirmed by the Catholic Church. Divorce was forbidden, along with contraceptives and abortion. Most country towns and rural areas were patrolled by pairs of Guardia Civil , a military police force for civilians, which functioned as Franco's chief means of social control.

Larger cities and capitals were mostly under the jurisdiction of the Policia Armada , or the grises "greys", due to the colour of their uniforms as they were called. Plain-clothed secret police worked inside Spanish universities. Through this law, homosexuality and prostitution were made criminal offenses in Francoism professed a devotion to the traditional role of a woman in society, that is being a loving daughter and sister to her parents and brothers, being a faithful wife to her husband, and residing with her family. Official propaganda confined the role of women to family care and motherhood.

Immediately after the war most progressive laws passed by the Republic aimed at equality between the sexes were nullified. Women could not become judges, or testify in a trial. They could not become university professors. Their affairs and economic lives had to be managed by their fathers and husbands. Until the s a woman could not have a bank account without a co-sign by her father or husband.

Spain attempted to retain control of its colonial empire throughout Franco's rule. Despite this, Franco was forced to make some concessions. Only in , with the Green March , did Morocco take control of all of the former Spanish territories in the Sahara. In , under pressure from the United Nations , [] Franco granted Spain's colony of Equatorial Guinea its independence, and the next year it ceded the exclave of Ifni to Morocco.

Under Franco, Spain also pursued a campaign to force a negotiation on the British overseas territory of Gibraltar , and closed its border with that territory in The border would not be fully reopened until The Civil War ravaged the Spanish economy. For more than a decade after Franco's victory, the devastated economy recovered very slowly. Franco initially pursued a policy of autarky , cutting off almost all international trade. The policy had devastating effects, and the economy stagnated. Only black marketeers could enjoy an evident affluence.

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On the brink of bankruptcy, a combination of pressure from the United States , the IMF , managed to convince the regime to adopt a free market economy. Many of the old guard in charge of the economy were replaced by "technocrata", despite some initial opposition from Franco. From the mids there was modest acceleration in economic activity after some minor reforms and a relaxation of controls. But the growth proved too much for the economy, with shortages and inflation breaking out towards the end of the s. When Franco replaced his ideological ministers with the apolitical technocrats, the regime implemented several development policies that included deep economic reforms.

After a recession, growth took off from , creating an economic boom that lasted until , and became known as the " Spanish Miracle ". Concurrent with the absence of social reforms, and the economic power shift, a tide of mass emigration commenced to other European countries, and to a lesser extent, to South America. Emigration helped the regime in two ways.

Francisco Franco

The country got rid of populations it would not have been able to keep in employment, and the emigrants supplied the country with much needed monetary remittances. During the s, the wealthy classes of Francoist Spain experienced further increases in wealth, particularly those who remained politically faithful, while a burgeoning middle class became visible as the "economic miracle" progressed.

International firms established factories in Spain where salaries were low, company taxes very low, strikes forbidden and workers' health or state protections almost unheard of. Furthermore, Spain was virtually a new mass market. Spain became the second-fastest growing economy in the world between and , just behind Japan. By the time of Franco's death in , Spain still lagged behind most of Western Europe but the gap between its per capita GDP and that of the leading Western European countries had narrowed greatly, and the country had developed a large industrialised economy.

Franco was reluctant to enact any form of administrative and legislative decentralisation and kept a fully centralised government with a similar administrative structure to that established by the House of Bourbon and General Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja. Such structures were based on the model of the French centralised state.