No previous study of urban intermarriages in Minnesota has been brought to my attention. Scandinavians made up significant parts of this population element, especially in the Twin Cities, as they also did in Chicago. For Norwegians in the latter city, Lovoll reports high intra-marriage rates based on the censuses. Lovoll emphasises a strong Lutheran identity, a social life revolving around the church and residential propinquity as the main factors causing the high intra-marriage rates.
McCaa's findings for New York provide further background for my own results. His study is also relevant because, like me, he uses standardized US censuses on the individual level, in his case those from , , , and In line with Rice and Lovoll, McCaa finds high levels of endogamy in , although he already sees signs of increased inter-marriage - presumably due to skewed sex ratios. By high endogamy rates were the exception, mostly found among the more recent immigrant groups from Puerto Rico, Greece and Italy. Be aware, however, that changing definitions of ethnicity in the censuses may contribute to such results.
In people born in the US with one native parent will be defined as natives, whereas the earlier censuses required both parents to be native born. The census is an in-between case, since now the respondents decided whether to state a mixed or homogeneous background. This may explain the somewhat surprisingly higher rates for intra-marriage in the last census. McCaa stresses the gender gap explanation behind intermarriage, since skewed sex ratios did not lead to significantly higher celibacy rates.
By stressing a general lack of parental control among immigrants, she relays an impression of widespread out-marriage. It seems literary texts often portray intermarriage as a source of conflicts across generations, although some melting-pot-like instances are cited as well. When marriage conflicts are not treated more extensively in her dissertation, the reason could simply be that this theme occurs infrequently in the literary genre - which never aimed to be representative of the immigrants in a statistical sense.
After the main influx of Nordic immigrants, Minnesota, according to the census, had a population of nearly two million. The first age pyramid in figure 1 depicts main population characteristics, the shaded areas showing a substantial portion of immigrants. In-migrating men swelled the age-groups below 35, causing them to compete numerically with the youngest children, and skewing the sex ratios. Even so, immigrants already formed a minority in all age groups below age Mean age at marriage can be computed from census material with a special technique.
In the mean marriage age was This difference in age at marriage compensated somewhat for the surplus of men among the immigrants. A majority of women above 25 and of men above 30 were married, and in the highest age groups only small proportions stayed single. Skewed sex ratios and mean age at marriage will be discussed at greater length below. From the census sample I extracted the co-resident, married couples. Tabulating them according to birthplace corroborates the high degree of intra-marriage for the whole state.
For Norwegians the percentages were 74 and 64 and for the Germans 70 and Since the Germans came first and the Swedes last, the ethnic intra-marriage rates correspond nicely with the timing of their Minnesota and indeed US pioneer settlements more generally. Rates of intra-marriage were consistently higher for women than for men, chiefly because of the opposite trend among the native born, whose women out-married more. This is in line with contemporary sex roles prescribing household work for women, whereas men continually left home for work and leisure. People born in the "old world" may have stuck more closely to these roles, reinforcing their effect.
McCaa defines as non-American any US citizen with a foreign born father or mother, because they were often raised in ethnic subcultures. What proportion of intermarriage do we find in the census according to this limited definition of "American" and broad definition of "foreigner"? When the ethnicity of the parents is taken into consideration, most of the differences between the nationalities and the sexes disappear.
Seen from a two-generation perspective, the Swedes and the Norwegians are found to marry each other more often than they chose native American partners. The Germans, however, married Americans more frequently. This may at least partly be because they had better access to partners of third generation German stock since the Germans were the earliest settlers.
High rates of endogamy in a predominantly native-born US population, can only be explained by intra-marriage among second, third and later generations descending from immigrants.
Persons marrying into other groups are on average one or two years younger, indicating a slight tendency that strict endogamy was loosening up. Intra-marriage was, contrary to expectation, as widespread in urban as in rural areas. This may be because of residential propinquity, since the ethnic groups tended to live in separate areas. Probably, abundant access to co-ethnic partners in the cities, counteracted the lack of respect for old social norms that I expected to find there.
On the whole, the majority groups who in-married, were not very different from the out-marrying with respect to other variables found in the census. Let us now expand our time frame and consider information from the censuses up to , a point in time when most first generation immigrants had passed away. In the age pyramid of figure 1, immigrants form narrowing bands with decreasing age, and are insignificant in all age groups but the oldest.
We also find the sex ratios to be normalized gradually over time, until in there was a small surplus of women, exactly what we expect to find in a native born population. Since this finding is valid across ethnic or national groups, any effect from skewed sex ratios on intermarriage disappeared over the years. On the other hand, we would expect the rate of intermarriage to have risen, since we deal with national groups that have relatively few distinguishing characteristics and who mostly talked the same language.
Birds of a feather tend to socialize. Table 1 seems to substantiate this hypothesis. The drop might be explained by the "All Americanism" drive after the US entered World War I, but since this was less than three years before the census, the tendency towards intermarriage probably started earlier. There is reason to be especially suspicious of the numbers for the Germans, since both first and second generation immigrants could find reason to hide their true ethnic background. As mentioned above, I have not controlled for the ethnicity of third generation immigrants.
Perhaps we can find some of the factors causing the increasing intermarriage rates by comparing endogamous and exogamous couples in the census cf figure 2. Just as in , the difference in intermarriage rates between couples who lived on a farm or in a city, was slight. Also, differences between occupation groups seem to be insignificant. Among the younger age groups we find a somewhat stronger tendency to intermarry, but the relationship between intermarriage and command of the English language was stronger. Out of 90 non-English speaking women, only three had out-married. Even if language capabilities may be correlated with other factors such as age and duration of stay in the US, this clear finding indicates the crucial role of language in matchmaking.
The role of religion is difficult to get at, because US censuses never include questions about faith. The small proportion of intermarriages between Germans and the predominantly protestant Nordic immigrants might indicate influence from religion rather than language, at least among second generation English-speaking immigrants. But the predominance of Protestantism in Northern Germany as well as the few intermarriages between Finns and Scandinavians, point in the direction of language rather than confession as the dividing factor.
In , information on parental nationality was less clear than in the to censuses, since nationality was mostly given for only one immigrating parent of native born citizens. This late, the number of first and second generation immigrants was lower, so my results may be more spurious. Also, the figures differ somewhat between the national groups. By now the majority of citizens were at least two generations removed from their ethnic roots, and the census gives little clue as to the national origin of the immigrating grand- or grand grandparents.
Still, it seems natural to interpret the results as a sign of a continued trend towards intermarriage. The results in table 2 can be criticised on the grounds that skewed sex ratios are not taken into consideration. After , sex ratios were balanced for the native born, while there was a declining surplus of men among the immigrants. However, differences in marriage age between the sexes can compensate for skewed sex ratios and must be considered concurrently. Immigration caused a surplus of men - against women in our 0. Considering the three year difference in mean age at marriage, we find men aged over 26 and women aged over Clearly the sex ratios were more skewed in some immigrant groups.
For instance, men and women aged over 20 were born in Norway. In order for these immigrants to marry among themselves, the men would have to wait until they were 37, leaving unmarried 70 men aged 20 to The situation was, however, alleviated by the presence of second generation co-ethnics. If we include persons with a Norwegian mother or father, we get a sample of men and women aged over This group could theoretically get along with exclusive inmarriage, if the men waited till they were 27 or Since some of these potential brides were the result of outmarriages among first generation Norwegian immigrants, we face the paradox, that outmarriages in one generation make possible more inmarriages in the next.
Table 2 shows that both sex ratios and age at marriage became more balanced over time. By , the skewed sex ratios among Minnesota immigrants were in general balanced by an acceptable difference in marriage age between the sexes.
Following the end of mass immigration, place of birth gradually lost value as an objective ethnic marker. The most obvious alternative is to ask each individual questions about their ethnic identity. Fortunately, this is precisely the method that the Census Bureau started practising. From the Bureau discontinued the century-long practice of asking for parents' birthplaces, introducing instead the more open-ended question "What is this person's ancestry".
In one, two or three nationalities or ethnic origins could be indicated, but when coding three answers, these were restricted to a list of seventeen choices. Reporting religions, such as "Jewish" was explicitly prohibited, and respondents were told to avoid general answers like "American".
Several source critical points have been made about the census' new question on ancestry. Obviously, people show varying levels of consciousness about their ethnic origin. Studies indicate that educated people, people living with their parents, and living in the northern states, give more detailed and more informed answers Farley Lieberson and Waters analysed ethnicity in the US from the census. One of their main questions is about inmarriage rates, inmarriage being defined widely as a marriage where both partners report at least some common ethnic background.
Thus, a couple has in-married even if they reported "Norwegian" as their second ethnic criterion. In the preceding paragraphs, I started with immigrants from different nationalities and looked for signs of intermarriage. Below, I start with a general picture of homogeneous marriages, while searching for the continued role of ethnic background on the regular US marriage market.
The results in table 3 are, therefore, restricted to American born couples in their first marriage. The rightmost column in table 3 contains inmarriage ratios based on all women in the census for Minnesota reporting a European ancestry. If partners were chosen randomly, the result for all groups would have been 1. For instance, the figure While Norwegians and Swedes had about the same level of inmarriage, we find a higher level among East Europeans. The Germans, on the other hand, had the lowest rate. With such a big group, many in-marriages would occur just by chance.
Table 3 also specifies the ratios by decade of marriage. All ethnic groups experienced less inmarriage over time. This is especially true for the East-Europeans, including a high, but unknown proportion of Jews. In general, the drop was less dramatic for the ethnic groups that pioneered immigration: The Anglos followed by the Germans, the Irish and the Scandinavians. However, the Norwegian and Swedish pioneers did not act in line with this hypothesis. Even if they came earlier, Norwegians tended to in-marry more often. Maybe Norwegians are more watchful of their ethnic identity than comparable groups?
Further interpretation of these numbers is not warranted. The reliability and validity of the ancestry variable are open to discussion, and we have no information about marriages dissolved prior to Inter-ethnic marriages may be more exposed to divorce, potentially inflating the number of intermarriages in the census.
Onomastic research shows on the one hand that first names do undergo fashion cycles, on the other that racial and ethnic groups choose from more stable and limited name pools than the national one. Among historic examples of explicit first name traditions, a case in point are the customs in pre-twentieth century Norway. Here few farmers dared ignore the rules laying down how each child was to inherit their grandparents' names. For instance, a farmer named Hans Olsen, had inherited his patronymic from his father Ole and his first name from his grandfather Hans. Hans Olsen's first son would normally be named Ole Hansen, so that every second owner of the farm had the same name.
Such name traditions underlined the oldest son's rights to inherit the farm - the so called allodium. This tie to the farm was strengthened when the farm name evolved into the third part of the name during the nineteenth century, Ole Hansen Berg typically living on a farm called "Berg". The immigrants met with a combination of different naming traditions and weaker succession rights in America. In addition, severed ties to the old farm and less contact with ancestors meant that traditional naming rules could be dispensed with.
A fixed family name substituted the patronymic that changed with each generation. Instead, US naming traditions recommended a middle name of the same kind as the first name. Even more important were the differences between the Scandinavian and American name pools. Since English was the lingua franca between the immigrant groups and in communication with the native born, strange, foreign names could be a real nuisance.
Also, the immigrants came under formal pressure to revise their names. Not only were they advised by their American neighbours and other contacts to do so, but some immigrant children starting school were literally re-baptized by their teachers. Even more drastic changes are heard of Haugen Therefore, neither the individual immigrant nor his co-ethnics as a group controlled the naming part of the assimilation process, independently. Even so, they were under no obligation to change their first names.
When the census taker came around, the family was free to report any first names with which they identified. Census takers from outside a group might have difficulties understanding and spelling their strange names. Indeed, a number of low-frequency names in the census should probably be blamed on spelling errors made by the enumerators or the data entry personnel. But perhaps we can play down this problem in early twentieth century Minnesota, where most grown-ups were literate, and a North European background was quite ordinary.
Nearly a hundred of these names are marked as partly illegible, and only a few of these could be used in my analysis. Also, many records included initials which were thrown out during data extraction, since we have no clue as to what names the abbreviations represent. On the other hand we can argue that any findings based on such secondary names could hardly be given more weight than what we find out about the primary names reported in extenso to the census taker.
The most frequent first names were John and Mary , while there were names with a frequency of one, counting all spelling variants as different names. Slightly less than half of the names belonged to men, and considering the skewed sex ratio, this indicates a somewhat bigger female name pool, which is a normal phenomenon. When analysing the distribution of names there are two basically different approaches, involving distinct classification methods. Onomatologists and other researchers within the humanities, classify the names according to linguistic criteria. For instance 'Gunnar' is a Nordic name and 'Heinrich' a German name because they either originated in a certain area or have a specific linguistic form.
Social scientists instead classify names according to criteria related to the name holders Watkins et al Then, for instance, Erik is a Swedish name when reported by a Swede, while Erica is American, whenever connected with an American with native born parents. When classified in this way, it is perfectly possible that the same name can be both Scandinavian, German, and English; cf an international name such as 'Nina'.
It has been argued that the latter method is more objective, since the national or ethnic origin of many name forms can be disputed ibid. However, the grouping of individuals with the same name also entails subjective judgements. Some name forms necessarily must be put into the same group even if their spelling in the census is not identical. Then we must choose between several levels of standardization.
The most moderate alternative is to only eliminate what we believe to be spelling errors. This is called the graphemic level. Usually also names with different spellings but with the same pronunciation 'Nils' and 'Niels' will be normalized, on what has been called the phonemic level. For some purposes we may want to standardize to the lexical level, disregarding sound variants of the same name, for instance different vowels.
Copenhagen, November by Kelsi Vanada 3. Sylvia Pio. Christianson 3. Olsen 4. Christianson 5. Hansen 2. By Nana Mikkelsen 3. Virgin Islands by Kenneth Baumgardt Vol. Christensen 3. Christianson 7. Christianson Vol. Christianson 4. Politics Among Danish Americans in the Midwest, ca. Danish Language and the Church; by Robert A. Olsen 3.
Re-writing the Danish American Dream? Index: The Bridge, , assembled by James D. Iversen 5. Rolf Buschardt Christensen, Reviewer. Lovell; John R. Christianson, Reviewer Vol. Immigrant Utopias; by Thorvald Hansen 4. The Yellow Envelope; by J. Iversen 6. Det farlige liv. Opening Remarks; by James D. Iversen 3. Opening Remarks; by Lene Balleby 4. Matie's Dagbog Diary ; by Avis E. Jorgenson 9.
Whose Memory is it, After All? Olsen Mattes Grundtvigianism in America; by Thorvald Hansen Jensen; by Erik M. Christensen Christianson Anderson My Mother's Hand; by Pia Tafdrup Appendix A: Conference Program Appendix B: Conference Committees Captain S. Den ideele amerikaner; En biographi om journalisten, reformisten og fotografen Jacob A.
Wist; John R. Christianson, Reviewer 8. Petersen, Reviewer Vol. Portrait of a Peddler; by Enok Mortensen 5. Peter S. Nielsen; George Nielsen, Reviewer 6. Pederson, Reviewer 7. Olsen; Anne Ipsen, Reviewer 8. Nichol; Carroll Engelhardt, Reviewer Vol. Doc Christy; by Borge Christensen 3. Christianson; Kristian Hvidt, Reviewer 5. Christianson, Reviewer 6.
Boerst; John R. Christianson, Reviewer 7. Iversen, Reviewer 9. For enden af regnbuen? Christianson, Reviewer Nannie F. Fries; Otto Brask, Reviewer Arnold Barton, Reviewer Vol. Danish Anti-Americanism; by Poul Houe 6. Immigration: Is it what is used to be? Molgaard 8. Defining an Immigrant; by Helle Mathiasen I will always be Danish at heart; by Birgit Flemming Larsen Re-immigration to Denmark; by Jette Mackintosh Hansen The Archive and History; by Niel Johnson Petersen Appendix B: Conference Committees Vol.
Why did they immigrate? Skallerup 3. For the want of ten dollars; by Thorvald Hansen 4. Stjernen - a Danish or an American Newspaper? Teenage Immigrant; by Anne Ipsen 2. My Re-Americanization; by Willard R. Garred 3. Jensen, by John M. Jensen; Edited by Frederik V. Jensen 4. Danes in America: Kansas and Nebraska; by P. Nielsen; Neil Johnson, Reviewer 5. Thompson; Editor: Thomas S. Christianson 2.
Becoming American: The Autobiography of C. Peterson, DDS; by C. Peterson; Interpretations by John R. Williamson 3. Iversen; George Nielsen, Reviewer 6. A Trip to Denmark in ; by Lois Eagleton 4. My Danish Background; by Waldemar Westergaard 5. Rasmussen; Rudolf Jensen, Reviewer 6. Christensen; Robert Sawvell, Reviewer 8. Under the Cloud, by Dagmar E. Vasby and Charlene M. Luchterland; Peter L. Christensen 2. Carl Peter Hoiberg; by Thorvald Hansen 3. From Odder to America; by John R. In Memoriam: Arnold Bodtker 2.
Passages from India; by Norman C. Bansen; Charmazel Dudt, Reviewer 8. Nerland 2. Danish Emigrants: Winners or Losers? Gulliksen 5. Johannes Johansen wrote the document. He died later that year. Also see Blegen, Norwegian Migration to America, p. Also, Bache, Chronicle of Old Muskego, p. The total population was then 1,, There were 77, independent land holders, most of them presumably family heads. These freeholders made up the bonde element — perhaps the most powerful and influential element in the population of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Norway. The designation of peasants as applied to this class is misleading.
These freeholders in fact constituted a rural aristocracy, which through centuries had been the very heart of the national culture. They were proud of their traditions, but their position carried with it no necessary implication of wealth. Many, pressed to the wall by adverse conditions, have sold their ancient farms and emigrated to America.
And in many other cases younger sons, barred by the practical workings of the odel system of land tenure from having a share in the ancestral estates, have sought their fortunes in the West. One result of the odel system has been the holding of estates through many generations by one line in direct descent.
It is not uncommon in the Norwegian valleys to find farms that have remained in the possession of one family, handed down from father to son, generation after generation, since the fifteenth or sixteenth century. It was the pride of the old chieftains; it insured economic well-being and personal independence; it gave stability and permanence to the family in whose possession it remained from century to century. It is clear that heavy demands were made upon the cotters. In they were asking that their required services be restricted to five days a week and the working day to eleven hours.
The value of services beyond the stipulated arrangements might be placed as high as twelve pennies a day in summer, less than half that in winter. It lacked the suffrage, since its members could not meet the property qualification. In a later chapter the movement for reform with reference to the cotters and its connections with emigration are considered in some detail.
A considerable number of pensioners, who had surrendered their property to their heirs upon condition of receiving annual allowances and living quarters, are represented in the population of — 46, of them. Samuel Laing in his journal from the thirties prints a translation of an advertisement in a Christiania newspaper offering a Norwegian gaard for sale at a price of four thousand dollars. This presents some interesting concrete detail concerning buildings, equipment, and other aspects of a typical gaard:. A two-story dwelling-house, with seven apartments, of which two are painted.
A large kitchen, hall and room for hanging clothes, and two cellars. A two-story house on pillars with a pantry, and a store-room. The farm buildings consist of a threshing barn, and barns for hay, straw, and chaff; a stable for five horses; a cattle house for eight cows, with divisions for calves and sheep. There is a good kitchen garden, and a good fishery; and also a considerable wood, supplying timber for house-building, for fences, and for fuel, besides the right of cutting wood in the common forest.
The arable land extends to the sowing of eight barrels of grain and twenty-five or thirty of potatoes the barrel is half a quarter , besides the land for hay; and the farm can keep within itself, summer and winter, two horses, eight cows, and forty sheep and goats. It keeps two cows, six sheep, and has arable land to the sowing of one and a half barrels of grain and six barrels of potatoes.
The property adjoins a good high road, is within four miles eight and twenty English miles of Christiania. When they were confirmed, about age fifteen, they went to work as adults, becoming hired men and servant girls, sailors or fishermen. Clausen accepts the call to Koshkonong, WI. Clausen accepts the call to Rock Prairie, WI.
A few Norwegian settlers crossed the Mississippi into Clayton and Allamakee counties in northeastern Iowa and four years later an important Norwegian settlement was founded in the region east of Decorah, the Washington Prairie settlement. See Flom, p. He is the brother of Snowshoe Thompson. Very few Norwegians have yet built comfortable houses. The great majority live in log cabins of the sort that can be erected in a day. Page 48 tells of the hard work done by the Norwegian women. Reymert, a lawyer from Farsund in Norway. The name was Nordlyset Northern Lights.
The funds came from Heg and Bache. See Blegen for a copy of the contract, p. It obtained subscribers. Nordlyset took a strong stance against slavery. Clausen is a pastor at Rock Prairie at this time. His first wife died this year in November, and he remarried in February. His wife worked as a maid in an American home. By trade Thomas was a carpenter. He occupied a claim but was pushed off of it. He moved to Cato Township, Manitowoc County, where he remained until , when he pushed on to Minnesota.
He did well there. One of his sons was Thorstein Bunde Veblen, was born on the Wisconsin farm in Regarding Muskego, see Nelson, O. See also Anderson, Rasmus, Norwegian Immigration, p. Reverend Stub said , , and The first medical doctor came in or but left after a short time. The second died in the epidemic of Muskego was hard hit in , , and according to the reverend H.
During those years the dead and dying were found in every household and so great was the loss that most of the settlers moved away. Squires died in the epidemic of Population pressure is now felt in rural areas. It is now hard to become a crofter. The authorities put his movement down by force in One person in 36 died.
Her captain, who had contracted the disease from immigrants coming from New Orleans, died. Cholera followed the emigrants to settlements like Muskego, Fox River, and Koshkonong.
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At Koshkonong a carpenter who was employed to build cofins for the cholera victims in the settlement was unable to supply the demand. In order that he should not be exposed to the disease, his neighbors pushed boards through the window into his shop and the coffins were delivered through the same window. Clausen of Rock Prairie sets out to find new areas to settle west of the Mississippi. This journey, and one in were unsuccessful.
However, in he found the beautiful and fertile valley in Mitchell County, Iowa now called the St. In the spring of forty families, with a train of covered wagons and about head of cattle, set out from Rock Prairie, a journey of miles across trackless prairie. Paul, MN Territory has about 30 huts. Clausen took the very first steamboat to St. Paul, there was no Minneapolis. Some say the census said nine, but there were two soldiers at Ft. Qualey, Norwegian Settlement in the United States, p.
See also Blegen, Land of Their Choice, p. There are in Texas due to the recruiting efforts of John R.
An Iowa College in the Liberal Arts Tradition
At Prairie du Chien the caravan divided, some heading north for the Coon prairie and valley country, the others crossing the great river into Iowa and making their way to Winneshiek County. John Nielsen Rue was one of the first into Winneshiek County. Most came from Wisconsin and the first settlers that came direct came in The Reverend Ulrik V.
Koren became pastor in It was not long before thriving settlements showed up in northern Iowa and southern Minnesota. Decorah became one of the leading Norwegian cultural centers in America. Mikkel Omli was the one from Telemarken. Nels Johnson was the leader. Decorah, Iowa, for a variety of reasons, became one of the most important cultural centers. He was one of the most famous of the lay preachers. Nearly all went on to the United States. The next summer, Clausen set off to investigate St.
Cloud, St. Paul, and St. Anthony Falls. He also went up the Minnesota River. Lovell, Odd, The Promise Fulfilled, p. On June 8 it became Democraten. All American men over 21 could vote. The first Norwegian settlers in Minnesota settle in Houston and Fillmore counties. The opening up of this rich land was advanced by the railroads to the Mississippi at Rock Island in , to East Dubuque in , to Prairie du chien in , and La Crosse in Houston and Fillmore counties received swarms of Norwegians from the near-by Iowa settlements and from Rock Prairie, Koshkonong, Muskego, and elsewhere to the southeast, with the process beginning in and Clausen……Of far greater influence was Paul Hjelm-Hansen.
Paul in See p, 15 for a description of the ships fittings, not too cozy. Then follows the description of the journey. They settled at Newburg in Fillmore County. Langmvhr A.
Austin was one of he pioneers in the Minnetonka tourist traffic. Where he remained a couple of years, then lived at Glenwood, Minn. Onboard were Norwegians, 68 were drowned and the rest were rescued. For an account of the incident see Blegen, Land of Their Choice, p. It was called Oleana. It lasted into the change of the century and best reflected the life and position of the majority of the emigrants. The Rev. Clausen had a lot to do with it. Clausen ran a history of the U. Concurrently, he wrote a history of the state of Wisconsin. The first issues were in an election year and the paper took an anti-slavery position.
Marriage and Names Among Immigrants to Minnesota
Clausen sets out for land along the Iowa-Minnesota border. The following year a caravan of 40 canvas covered wagons set out and established a colony, named St. Also, see Mitchell County, Iowa for 19 years. They found St. Clausen remained until This settlement quickly spread into Worth County.
Land sales begin two years later. Peter, with burials starting this year, contains the graves of many soldiers and many of those killed by Indians in His wife was Anne. His granddaughter was Mr. John Thingvold of Decorah. Between and Scandia Grove and Lake Prairie settlements arose. When asked who was first, he stated that he saw three young men in a cabin at Spring Grove. The first probably came in Ridgely was commenced as a protection to settlers along the frontier. Since the Norwegians did not feel that National unity was threatened, because the Republicans did not advocate outright abolition of slavery, they moved heavily to Republican from Democrats.
John Jacobsen Einong came in July. Many settled along the state line opposite Ridgeway, Iowa. He came to America at age 12, to Harmony in Two years later his father died and Herbjorn had four sisters, and no brothers. At age 18 he went to Luther College where his talent for drawing was discovered. Then he went to Oslo for art training, then on to Munich. He returned to the United States in He died May 22 in , after long having his home in Minneapolis, but often returning to Harmony for the summers. He never married. Young men under the age of 21 could emigrate freely, unless they had already met before the medical board.
Bernt Julius Muus, p. Holland, De Norske Settlementers Historie, p. They have developed this six-mile square tract of Nicollet County in a manner that would put to blush many an older and fairer looking country, by nature, than was this when they first set their plowshares to the tough prairie sod in the fifties and sixties. It appeared just two weeks before the voting on statehood. Peter and found a settlement of about 30 to 40 Norwegian families and four or five times as many Swedes.
He was present when the congregation was organized October 24, A number of families migrate from Iowa, and wait for the lands of open. Two scouts from Koshkonong in Wisconsin visit. This was two years before Dakota Territory was established. This would become South Dakota. Because of a lack of trees, it was and before many more Norwegians went there. Then the Sioux wars slowed settling. Pioneer minister, Abraham Jacobsen, visited the Dakota settlements in the fall of , traveling from Decorah with a party of eight Norwegians.
There were crop failures in the years Serious crop failures struck Tinn in Only about 50 had a university education. Of Norwegians who sought citizenship, Dakota has only Norwegians. Nineteen hundred left Norway for America in , 8, the following year. Twenty-five fell at Shiloh. Norwegians served in numerous Civil War regiments.
They were Porter C.
NAHA // Norwegian-American Studies
Porter rose to General and was killed at the Battle of Franklin. Soren had his head blown off at Murfreesboro. James survived and moved to Minnesota. Porter raised his company at Newark, made up largely of the sons of Norwegians from that locality and from the town of Mission in La Salle county. There is a great description of the battle of Stones River on Page The battle of Chicamauga is described on Page The passengers were ravaged by dysentery, and 19 children and 3 adults died at sea.
All of them had to wait for 8 days in Quebec. Those that had no means got free transportation on the railway to Toronto. After a lot of trouble, they were cheated by a Norwegian interpreter, they arrived in Stoughton, Madison, and La Crosse, Wisconsin. Almost exclusively Scandinavian.
Nearly fifty Northmen serve in the 1st Minnesota and more than three times that number in the 2nd. Free land? Morgenbladet refused to believe it. Service at Camp Randall, Wisconsin. On March 2 they head south. Peter writes of the Indian atrocities. Minnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars, p. This group was left by Sibley to garrison St. Peter after he departed to raise the siege of Fort Ridgely. Carley, Kenneth, The Sioux Uprising of , p. See page , , , , Peter account on file. Peterson is Captain of the home guards. She returns to the farm and a State of Minn. Monument marks her grave.
Eight Norwegians and 15 Swedes had been murdered. See her full story at p. Occasional attacks and raids by American Indians continued for three more years. Standards for light and water were established. He was commander of the 15th Wisconsin, the Norwegian Regiment. Another Norwegian, Colonel Porter C. Olson, the son of a Slooper of , rose to command a company made up chiefly of Norwegians from the Fox River settlement in Illinois, the 36th Illinois Volunteer Regiment.
Olson was killed in action at Franklin, Tennessee. The Pioneer of Norse Emigration to America. Born in Norway, Europe, May 17, Landed in America in Died in Texas, December 16, Peter Tribune talks about the great grasshopper invasion. Vinje, a poet of the people, Telemarken, produced a long poem. Blegen, Norwegian Migration to America, p By there were 68 Norwegians in the county. Ole T. Nystel was 14 years old when he was captured by the Comanche Indians in Bosque County and was held as a prisoner for three months. The typical emigrant was from age , both early and later on in the mass emigration.
He saw a boy and his mother saying goodbye. The first were Andreas Hogstad and Halvor O. Ustrud of Goodhue County. Then came two families from Winneshiek County, Iowa. They were Iver Bersheim and his two sons, Thomas and Ole. They were of Hardanger lineage. Also, in June of the year the first Tellers appeared at Canton, a caravan of 22 wagons besides other freight wagons, all from Eastern Iowa.
He collected stories from the pioneers themselves. It is ten years or so before this is widely implemented. It took years for the provisions to be enacted. He still feared the Sioux. Ager, Sons of the Old Country, p. This forward contains an interesting review of Norwegian-American literature. Anderson was appointed professor of Scandinavian languages. He traveled around in Wisconsin as a photographer. The Scandinavian group was dominated by the Norwegians. Lars Simonson was a Tellemarken.
It was at the Coulton settlement Toapi and Grand Meadow townships. It was also in the Coulton settlement southern Toapi and Northern Grand Meadow that the Telemarkens were most numerous. Charles T. Austin Kaase was the leader there. The assembled near the present town of Mabel, Minnesota. Most were originally from Trondhjem, Norway. It raged for days and hundreds of people died and thousands of animals. Peter, on file. It was estimated that from 12 to 15 hundred settlers were impoverished. Three children in the family died on the way.
Rollag of Tinn came to America. Decorah-Posten was one of the three most important newspapers in the Midwest. It was published in Decorah, Iowa, until In the s Decorah-Posten had about 45, subscribers. Rasmus B. Sandro comes to the Nidaros Congregation in Minnehaha County. Kittleson, born , and wife Oline. Torger Tovsen Mogen, born in Tinn was here.
Others here were John T. Thompson, born at Ridgeway, and Torger Thompson, born in Tinn, with wife Guro, born For miles the groundis literally covered with them. Anderson gave a speech in Chicago at the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Norwegian emigration to America. In the name was changed to Vesterheim Norwegian-American Museum.