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But Hashimoto is Koizumi on steroids. His radical plans for reform would see Japan converted into a quasi-federal system with prime ministers directly elected in presidential style, along with massive reductions in welfare spending and creation of a voucher-based educational system. He is famous for remarking that Japan would benefit from becoming a dictatorship — a remark that most commentators have not taken as seriously as they should.

Until recently, Hashimoto has shown considerable skill in mixing policies drawn from various parts of the ideological spectrum, so avoiding being easily pigeonholed in conventional political terms. Ever quick to spot an opportunity to boost his political appeal, he responded to mass demonstrations against nuclear power following the Fukushima nuclear power plant meltdown by hastily adding a call for reduced reliance on nuclear power to his agenda for a new Japan, though he then went on to support the reopening of two nuclear power plants in neighboring Fukui Prefecture see Asahi Shinbun , English online edition, 1 June Hashimoto left and Abe.

Two weeks later, Hashimoto responded in kind, playing the shop-soiled card of historical revisionism: a favoured weapon of right-wing politicians in need of some free publicity. As a result of the study which indicates that comfort stations were operated in extensive areas for long periods, it is apparent that there existed a great number of comfort women. Comfort stations were operated in response to the request of the military authorities of the day.

The then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women. The recruitment of the comfort women was conducted mainly by private recruiters who acted in response to the request of the military. The Government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing coercion, etc. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere.

This retraction was part of a broader, and loudly proclaimed, nationalist salvo, one of whose chief goals was the revision of the postwar constitution to allow more rapid military expansion. The Abe resolution was flawed on two grounds. First, it completely ignored the substantial but inconvenient historical evidence that contradicted its premise. The 'comfort women' story, largely neglected until the s, has now been very well researched by numerous Japanese and international scholars and international agencies including the International Commission of Jurists and two UN special rapporteurs on human rights Radhika Coomaraswamy, who reported in , and Gay McDougall, who reported in - see their reports: here and here.

Despite the complexities of the issue, a relatively clear story has emerged from their work. From the early s onward, but particularly following the outbreak of full scale war in China, the Japanese army created a massive network of military brothels throughout its empire and occupied territories, to which hundreds of thousands of women were recruited.

The brothels took a number of forms, including those run by the army itself, those run by brokers commissioned by the army, and temporary ad hoc brothels set up for short periods near the battle front. The official Japanese documents collected by the Japanese government, as well as the testimony of victims, former Japanese soldiers and the early s provide incontrovertible proof of the role of the military and state in planning and running this system.

They also provide incontrovertible proof that many though not all comfort women were recruited by trickery or abduction, and that they were commonly confined in brothels where they were subject to appalling treatment and drastic punishments if they attempted escape. Recruitment, particularly in the earlier stages of the system, was often assigned to private brokers, colonial police and others, who operated at the request of the military.

Particularly in the latter stages of the war, and in the case of 'informal' battlefront brothels, there is well-corroborated evidence of the direct forcible recruitment of women by Japanese soldiers. Japanese soldiers were, of course, also directly involved in keeping women forcibly confined in brothels, and subjecting them to sexual and other violence while they were there see, for example, Yoshimi ; Tanaka ; Soh ; Totani , and ; Wada Haruki, The Digital Museum: The Comfort Women Issue and the Asian Women's Fund here ; testimony of Jan Ruff O'Herne here ; the website of the Center for Research and Documentation on Japan's War Responsibility here.

The Abe resolution discounted all testimony from survivors, even when it was detailed and corroborated by other evidence, as well as testimony from third party observers and oral testimony from former Japanese soldiers. In other words, it took the view that only official documents produced by the perpetrators could be acceptable as 'evidence' even as it chose to ignore those documents that survived official attempts to destroy all documentation. In particular, it ignored oral and written evidence including official documentation showing the intimate collaboration between Japanese military and police and brokers, and making clear the forced confinement and inhuman treatment of women by Japanese military and brokers in the brothels.

The second flaw in the resolution was that it also failed to answer the obvious question: how does the use of brokers which no-one denies diminish the moral responsibility of the Japanese state and army? Or, to put it more bluntly, even if we were to discount the clear evidence of direct involvement of the military in forcibly recruiting some of the comfort women, does employing others to do your dirty work make it OK? That is the view of the Japanese government. I am a Japanese, so I stand by the view of the Japanese government. George Orwell would have loved it. Bush, for any hurt caused Okinawa Times , 27 April Equally bizarrely, Bush solemnly accepted the apology.

The banner reads: "Demand an apology and compensation for the wartime sex slaves from the Japanese government. Hashimoto goes on to bitterly criticize Japanese bureaucrats who wish to argue that issues of war responsibility were settled by the Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea. This is not politics by persuasion but politics by performance. The object of the current performance is obvious. It is to provoke impassioned counter-attacks, preferably from those who can be labeled left-wing and foreign — best of all from those who can be labeled Korean or Chinese nationalists.

In responding to Hashimoto-style politweets, it is important not to act out his predetermined scenario. More broadly, the Hashimoto phenomenon can be placed in the context of the current political instability in Northeast Asia as a whole. A presidential election is imminent in both South Korea and Japan; a change of leadership is underway in China; and an untested new leader has taken power in North Korea.

All of this magnifies the uncertainties created by the massive disaffection from the mainstream parties in post-disaster Japan. This makes a careful and considered response to the Hashimoto phenomenon particularly important. Above all, this phenomenon should not be 'nationalised'. Hashimoto does not speak for Japan, and to condemn Japan because of his comments would only be to boost his demagogic appeal.

The best reply from those who hope he never will speak for Japan is to allow his words to speak for themselves. Those outside Japan who are alarmed or offended by these words should seek out and lend support to the embattled peace, human rights and reconciliation groups in Japan which also seek a different future, so that their voices too may be heard at the national level. Japan urgently needs political renewal and hope. Rather, it is at the grassroots level, in places like Liberty Osaka, that the real hopes and dreams for the future are still being quietly nurtured. That's what destroyed Japan-Korea relations.

This is the real responsibility of politicians. Fight it out verbally until you foam at the mouth. We need to think seriously about what the real issue is, and how far we should respect the position of the other side. These institutions were instituted because it was wartime.

In contemporary society too brothels are publicly regulated. It was natural that comfort stations were publicly regulated from the point of view of hygiene and maintaining order. The problem is, were comfort women forcible recruited against their will. But there is no proof of that on the Japanese side. This is separate from the question of sympathy for the comfort women. Does this mean it was against their own will, or does it mean that they were forced by the Japanese state? We have to make this clear.

Of course we have to apologise if it was the latter. It is certain that comfort stations and similar sorts of prostitution industry exist. We have to confront Korea about that face to face. How about the issue of reconciling this with the cabinet resolution of which said that there is no proof they were forcibly recruited? Japanese parliament and Foreign Ministry, get your act together! If the root of it is the military comfort women issue, we should debate it face to face, and if there are facts we should apologize about, then we should apologize.

Person to person communication is banned. But bureaucrats just develop this sort of formulaic logic. A typical bureaucratic response. Whatever it says in the Basic Treaty, we should debate face to face whether there was forcible recruitment. Until persuaded. If there really was forcible recruitment, then we should debate whether it was settled by the Treaty of Basic Relations. Politics is what corrects the logic of bureaucrats. Politicians should start with the real essence of things. Because of the problem of Takeshima, the people of the nation have come to know the Japan Korea conflict to this extent.

This is the best chance to solve the comfort women problem which is at the root of it. Chan, Jennifer. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Morris-Suzuki, T. London and New York: Routledge.

Soh, C. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Tanaka, Toshiyuki. Totani, Yuma. Cambridge Mass. Yamane, Kazuyo. Yoshimi, Yoshiaki. Comfort Women. New York: Columbia University Press. To define this prevention of war as an achievable goal may sound pretentious. But the necessary steps to be taken are above all achievable here at home in America. And what is needed is not some radical and untested new policy, but a much-needed realistic reassessment and progressive scaling back of two discredited policies that are themselves new, and demonstrably counterproductive.

American politics, both foreign and domestic, are being increasingly deformed by a war on terrorism that is counter-productive, actually increasing the number of perpetrators and victims of terrorist attacks. Above all the War on Terror is a self-generating war, because, as many experts have warned, it produces more terrorists than it eliminates. The two self-generating wars have in effect become one. By launching a War on Drugs in Colombia and Mexico, America has contributed to a parastate of organized terror in Colombia the so-called AUC, United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia and an even bloodier reign of terror in Mexico with 50, killed in the last six years.

Americans should be aware of the overall pattern that drug production repeatedly rises where America intervenes militarily — Southeast Asia in the s and 60s, Colombia and Afghanistan since then. Opium cultivation also increased in Iraq after the US invasion. And at home the seemingly indomitable national security state, beset by the problems of poverty, income disparity, and drugs, becomes, progressively, a national insecurity state and one gripped by political gridlock.

The purpose of this paper is to argue, using the analogy of British errors in the late 19 th century, for a progressive return to a more stable and just international order, by a series of concrete steps, some of them incremental. Using the decline of Britain as an example, I hope to demonstrate that the solution cannot be expected from the current party political system, but must come from people outside that system.

The final errors of British imperial leaders are particularly instructive for our predicament today. In both cases power in excess of defense needs led to more and more unjust, and frequently counter-productive, expansions of influence.

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My account in the following paragraphs is one-sidedly negative, ignoring positive achievements abroad in the areas of health and education. But the consolidation of British power led to the impoverishment abroad of previously wealthy countries like India, and also of British workers at home. A main reason for the latter was, as Kevin Phillips has demonstrated, the increasing outward flight of British investment capital and productive capacity:. Thus did Britain slip into circumstances akin to those of the United States in the s and most of the s — slumping nonsupervisory wage levels and declining basic industries on one hand, and at the other end of the scale a heyday for banks, financial services, and securities, a sharp rise in the portion of income coming from investment, and a stunning percentage of income and assets going to the top 1 percent.

The dangers of increasing income and wealth disparity in Britain were easily recognized at the time, including by the young politician Winston Churchill. Maldistribution of wealth was an initial cause of British expansion, and also an inevitable consequence of it. Thucydides attributed the rise of this folly to the rapid change in Athens after the death of Pericles, and in particular to the rise of a rapacious oligarchy. Both the apogee of the British empire and the start of its decline can be dated to the s.

In that decade London instituted direct control over India, displacing the nakedly exploitative East India Company. The British empire during the Victorian Era. Although Britain was victorious in that war, historians have since judged that victory to be a chief cause of the breakdown in the balance of power that had prevailed in Europe since the Congress of Vienna in Thus the legacy of the war for Britain was a more modernized and efficient army, together with a more insecure and unstable world.

In the discovery of colossal gold deposits in the nominally independent Boer Republic of the Transvaal attracted the attention of Cecil Rhodes, already wealthy from South African diamonds and mining concessions he had acquired by deceit in Matabeleland.

Rhodes now saw an opportunity to acquire goldfields in the Transvaal as well, by overthrowing the Boer government with the support of the uitlanders or foreigners who had flocked to the Transvaal. French caricature of Rhodes, showing him trapped in Kimberley during the Boer War, seen emerging from tower clutching papers with champagne bottle behind his collar. In , after direct plotting with the uitlanders failed, Rhodes, in his capacity as Prime Minister of the British Cape Colony, sponsored an invasion of Transvaal with the so-called Jameson Raid, a mixed band of Mounted Police and mercenary volunteers.

The raid was not only a failure, but a scandal: Rhodes was forced to resign as Prime Minister and his brother went to jail. The details of the Jameson raid and resulting Boer War are too complex to be recounted here; but the end result was that after the Boer War the goldfields fell largely into the hands of Rhodes.

As we shall see in a moment, this vision provoked a competing French vision of an west-east railway, leading to the first of a series of crises from imperial competition that progressively escalated towards World War I. According to Carroll Quigley, Rhodes also founded a secret society for the further expansion of the British empire, an offshoot of which was the Round Table which in turn generated the Royal Institute of International Affairs. But whether one agrees with him or not, one can see a continuity between the expansionist acquisitiveness of Rhodes in Africa in the s and the post-war acquisitiveness of UK and American oil corporations in the CFR-backed coups in Iran , Indonesia , and Cambodia And the outcomes enriched and strengthened private corporations in what I have called the American war machine, thus undermining those institutions representing the public interest.

My main point is that the progressive build-up of the British navy and armies provoked, predictably, a responsive build-up from other powers, particularly France and Germany; and this ultimately made World War I and its sequel, World War II all but inevitable. In retrospect it is easy to see that the arms build-up contributed, disastrously, not to security but to more and more perilous insecurity, dangerous not just to the imperial powers themselves but to the world.

In retrospect one can see also that the progressive impoverishment of India and other colonies guaranteed that the empire would become progressively more unstable, and doomed in its last days to be shut down. We also note how international crises could be initially provoked by very small, uncontrolled, bureaucratic cabals. The world is not condemned to repeat this tragedy under the Pax Americana. Global interdependence and above all communications have greatly improved. We possess the knowledge, the abilities, and the incentives to understand historical processes more skillfully than before.

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There is one consolation for Americans in this increasing global disequilibrium. As the causes for global insecurity become more and more located in our own country, so also do the remedies. More than their British predecessors, Americans have an opportunity that other peoples do not, to diminish global tensions and move towards a more equitable global regimen. Of course one cannot predict that such a restoration can be achieved. But the disastrous end of the Pax Britannica, and the increasingly heavy burdens borne by Americans, suggest that it is necessary.

It needs to be stated clearly that the American arms build-up today is the leading cause in the world of a global arms build-up — one that is ominously reminiscent of the arms race, fuelled by the British armaments industry, that led to the Agadir incident and soon after to World War I. Not defense against Russia, but support for America in its self-generating War on Terror, in Afghanistan as once in Iraq. The War on Terror should be seen for what it really is: a pretext for maintaining a dangerously oversized U. In other words America is by far the chief country flooding the world with armaments today.

It is imperative that Americans force a reassessment of this incentive to global poverty and insecurity. These Saudi arms sales are not incidental; they reflect an agreement between the two countries to offset the flow of US dollars to pay for Saudi oil. During the oil price hikes of and Nixon and Kissinger negotiated a deal with both Saudi Arabia and Iran to pay significantly higher prices for crude, on the understanding that the two countries would then recycle the petrodollars by various means, prominently arms deals. The wealth of the two nations, America and Saudi Arabia, has become ever more interdependent.

This is ironic. Obama with Saudi King Abdullah, The result is an incremental militarization of the world abroad and America at home, as new warfronts in the so-called War on Terror emerge, predictably, in previously peaceful areas like Mali. In fact in most countries, America and Britain not excepted, there is a long history of occasional collaboration with the very forces which at other times they oppose.

In some countries, notably Afghanistan, the US is fighting jihadists that the CIA supported in the s, and that are still supported today by our nominal allies Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. In some countries, notably Libya, we have provided protection and indirect support to the same kind of jihadis. In some countries, notably Kosovo, we have helped bring these jihadis to power. One country where American authorities conceded its clients were supporting jihadis is Yemen. Islamist extremism in Yemen is the result of a long and complicated set of developments.

A large number of Yemeni nationals participated in the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan during the s. After the Soviet occupation ended, the Yemeni government encouraged its citizens to return and also permitted foreign veterans to settle in Yemen. Such co-optation was also used with individuals detained by the Yemeni government after the September 11 terrorist attacks. As early as , the U. State Department noted in a now-declassified intelligence report that Yemen was becoming an important stop for many fighters leaving Afghanistan.

The report also maintained that the Yemeni government was either unwilling or unable to curb their activities. Islamism and Islamist activists were used by the regime throughout the s and s to suppress domestic opponents, and during the civil war Islamists fought against southern forces. Our policy on Yemen has been I think, despite what -- what people in the administration say, we have been focused on terrorism. We have not been focused on the systemic challenges that Yemen faces: unemployment, governance abuses, corruption. I think these are the things that will bring down the state.

It's not AQAP….. Saudi Arabia has had a stake in reinforcing the jihadi influence in republican Yemen, ever since the Saudi royal family in the s used conservative hill tribes in northern Yemen to repel an attack on southern Saudi Arabia by the Nasser-backed republican Yemeni government. These machinations of governments and their intelligence agencies can create conditions of impenetrable obscurity.

For example, as Sen. Like other nations, America is no stranger to the habit of making deals with al Qaeda jihadis, to aid them to fight abroad in areas of mutual interest -- such as Bosnia — in exchange for not acting as terrorists at home.

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This practice clearly contributed to the World Trade Center bombing of , when at least two of the bombers had been protected from arrest because of their participation in a Brooklyn-based program preparing Islamists for Bosnia. Perhaps the foremost practitioner of this game is Saudi Arabia, which has not only exported jihadis to all parts of the globe but as previously noted has financed them, sometimes in alliance with the United States.

Similar reports of Saudi funding have come from authorities in Iraq, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, according to Rachel Ehrenfeld:. Pakistani police reported in that Saudi Arabia's charities continue to fund al Qaeda, the Taliban and Pakistan's Lashkar-e-Tayyiba. In May , Buratha News Agency , an independent news source in Iraq, reported on a leaked Saudi intelligence document showing continued Saudi governmental support for al Qaeda in Iraq in the form of cash and weapons….

However the Saudi backing of al Qaeda was not, according to the Times , limited to funds:. And while prominent members of the ruling al-Saud dynasty regularly express their abhorrence of terrorism, leading figures within the kingdom who advocate extremism are tolerated. Sheikh Saleh al-Luhaidan, the chief justice, who oversees terrorist trials, was recorded on tape in a mosque in , encouraging young men to fight in Iraq. If someone knows that he is capable of entering Iraq in order to join the fight, and if his intention is to raise up the word of God, then he is free to do so.

Fighters from the al-Qaeda-linked group Ansar Dine, controlling northern Mali, have destroyed two tombs at the ancient Djingareyber mud mosque in Timbuktu, an endangered World Heritage site, witnesses say…. The new destruction comes after attacks last week on other historic and religious landmarks in Timbuktu that UNESCO called "wanton destruction". Ansar Dine has declared the ancient Muslim shrines "haram", or forbidden in Islam.

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The Djingareyber mosque is one of the most important in Timbuktu and was one of the fabled city's main attractions before the region became a no-go area for tourists. Ansar Dine has vowed to continue destroying all the shrines "without exception" amid an outpouring of grief and outrage both at home and abroad. In and the Saudis captured Makkah and Medina and destroyed historical monuments and various holy Muslim sites and shrines, such as the shrine built over the tomb of Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad, and even intended to destroy the grave of Muhammad himself as idolatrous.

In the Saudis bulldozed and poured gasoline over the grave of Aminah bint Wahb, the mother of Muhammad, causing resentment throughout the Muslim World. Today one must distinguish between the Saudi Arabian Kingdom and the Wahhabism promoted by senior Saudi clerics and some members of the Saudi Royal Family. King Abdullah in particular has reached out to other religions, visiting the Vatican in and encouraging an interfaith conference with Christian and Jewish leaders, which took place in The plan, which has been endorsed by Arab League governments on many occasions, called for normalizing relations between the entire Arab region and Israel, in exchange for a complete withdrawal from the occupied territories including East Jerusalem and a "just settlement" of the Palestinian refugee crisis based on UN Resolution Abdullah's peace plan remains an intriguing possible basis for U.

Abdullah's proposal was endorsed by the entire Arab League at its summit; Israeli President Shimon Peres and Olmert both referred to it favorably; and Barack Obama, who chose the Saudi-owned al Arabiya television station for his first interview after taking office, praised Abdullah for his "great courage" in making the peace proposal. However, the presumed new Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, has strongly opposed the Saudi plan, particularly the idea that East Jerusalem should be the capital of a Palestinian state.

The plan has no traction in , with Israel hinting at action against Iran and America paralyzed by an election year. These voices of support indicate that a peace agreement in the Middle East is theoretically possible, but by no means do they make it likely. Insecurity is particularly widespread in the Middle East because of the widespread resentment there against injustice, which insecurity both grows from and propagates. Much of the global status quo has its origins in injustice; but the injustice in the Middle East, on all sides, is extreme, recent, and ongoing.

I say this only to offer this advice to Americans: to keep in mind that the issues of security and justice cannot be separated. Above all, compassion is needed. We as Americans must understand that both Israelis and Palestinians live in conditions not remote from a state of war; yet both have reason to fear that a peace settlement might leave them even worse off than in their present uncomfortable situation.

Too many innocent civilians have been killed in the Middle East. American actions should not increase that number. This sense of insecurity, the major impediment to peace, is not confined to the Middle East. It also continues to disseminate the War into new battlefields, notably Pakistan and Yemen. By thus creating its own enemies, the War on Terror, now solidly entrenched in bureaucratic inertia, seems likely to continue unabated.

In this it is much like the equally ill-considered War on Drugs, dedicated to maintaining the high costs and profits that attract new traffickers. Above all this contributes to Islamic insecurity as well, causing more and more Muslims to deal with the fear that civilians, not just jihadi terrorists, will be the victims of drone attacks. Insecurity in the Middle East is the major obstacle to peace there. Palestinians live in daily fear of oppression by West Bank settlers and retaliation by the Israeli state. The Israelis live in constant fear of hostile neighbors. So does the Saudi royal family.

Middle Eastern insecurity replicates itself on a wider and wider scale. Israeli fear of Iran and Hizbollah is matched by Iranian fear of Israeli threats of massive attacks on its nuclear installations. And recently former U. In this case the most likely new target by far would be the United States. How long will it be, I wonder, before a prevailable force of Americans will recognize the predictable course of this self-generating war, and mobilize against it?

This paper has argued, using the analogy of British errors in the late 19 th century, for a progressive return to a more stable and just international order, by a series of concrete steps, some of them incremental:. Forty years ago I would have appealed to Congress to take these steps to defuse the state of paranoia we are living under. We should keep in mind that four decades ago domestic political protest played a critical role in helping to end an unjustified war in Vietnam.

Nevertheless, the large number of protesters, assembled under relatively short notice, was impressive. The question is whether protesters can adapt their tactics to new realities and mount a sustained and effective campaign. Under the guise of Continuity of Government planning, the American war machine has been preparing for forty years to neutralize street antiwar protests.

It is not enough simply to denounce, as did Churchill in , the increasing disparity of wealth between rich and poor. One must go beyond this to see the origins of this disparity in dysfunctional policies that can be changed. And one of the chief of these is the so-called War on Terror. No one can predict the success of such a movement. But I believe that global developments will persuade more and more Americans that it is necessary.

It should appeal to a broad spectrum of the American electorate, from the followers of Znet and Democracy Now on the left to those of Murray Rothbard and Ron Paul on the right. And I believe also that a well-coordinated nonviolent antiwar minority — of from two to five million, acting with the resources of truth and common sense on their side — can win. A more serious problem is the determined resistance of corporate and personal wealth to reasonable reforms; but the more nakedly wealth shows its undemocratic influence, the more evident will become the need to curb its abuses.

Currently wealth has targeted for removal Congress members who have been guilty of compromise to solve government problems. Surely there is an American majority out there to be mobilized for a return to common sense. Clearly new strategies and techniques of protest will be needed. It is not the purpose here to define them, but future protests — or cyberprotests — will predictably make more skillful use of the Internet.

I repeat that one cannot be confident of victory in the struggle for sanity against special interests and ignorant ideologues. But with the increasing danger of a calamitous international conflict, the need to mobilize for sanity is increasingly clear. The study of history is one of the most effective ways to avoid repeating it. Are these hopes for protest mere wishful thinking? Very possibly. But, wishful or not, I consider them to be necessary.

His website, which contains a wealth of his writings, is here. Hobson , Imperialism London: Allen and Unwin, ; reprint, , 6. Arthur M. Discussion in Laurence H. Oncken, Panzersprung nach Agadir. Die deutsche Politik wtihrend der zweiten Marokkokrise Dilsseldorf, Panzersprung in German has come to be a metaphor for any gratuitous exhibition of gunboat diplomacy.

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Kennedy, Boston: Little, Brown and Co. They are also among the most uncompromising and militant. Newsweek , May 30, This paper examines the history of women in the Japanese Self-Defense Forces. Both theories are oversimplified or misleading. Military officials also rejected some conservative initiatives to exclude female soldiers from specific units, viewing these as incompatible with personnel requirements at a time when the military has struggled to recruit and faced the necessity to progressively lower standards for enlistment.

Neither accounts for the multifaceted reality of gender integration in the military. Often facing resistance from groups both inside and outside, its structure has constantly been in flux. Furthermore, gender integration has sometimes taken place under strategic and political considerations that were quite apart from the gender equality goals of feminists. It is often said that the military is a microcosm of the civilian world. In postwar Japan, however, social scientists have long avoided military studies. In a review of military sociology, Takahashi Saburo observes that there are war studies rather than military studies in postwar Japan, distinguishing the extensive literature on studies of Japanese and international war from studies of the military in society.

For example, Tanaka Masakazu has been researching Asian militaries since However, several points require clarification. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Japan ranked in the top six countries in the world in military expenditure. Neverthless, the Japanese government continues to maintain a formal commitment to Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution. Nevertheless, whatever its constraints, it is important to note that the SDF functions as a military in many ways and to recognize the steady erosion of constitutional constraints as it expands its reach.

Since its creation, the SDF has sought to camouflage its military character by blending into the surrounding civil society. Women have played an important role in camouflaging the SDF in this manner. It is noteworthy that from to the present at no time did Japanese women campaign for gender integration in the SDF.

As Figure 1 and Figure 2 show, however, the number of women in the SDF and the types of jobs that they perform increased steadily over the years. Although the number of military women in many countries is minuscule and in no case are the women fully integrated, Japan ranks in the lowest level of gender integration.

Using four analytical stages in Japanese postwar history, I examine the history of women in the SDF from the perspective of globalized gender mainstreaming. Taking off the s to the early s : We are different from the Imperial Army. Under the U. However, from the early days of the U. General Douglas MacArthur sent then Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru a memorandum on the reinforcement of the Japanese police forces on July 8th, 28 and the new Japanese postwar military force came into being as the National Police Reserve.

In , on the same day that it signed the San Francisco Peace Treaty with 48 countries, the Japanese government concluded the Japan-U. In that process, the Japanese government removed the original purpose of domestic policing from the mandate of the Safety Forces. During this take off stage the s to the early s , the Police Reserve as it was then called consisted exclusively of men in uniform.

Although nursing jobs played a minor role in this small, fledgling organization, which was barred from combat, female nurses did not wear Police Reserve uniforms. They were initially categorized by government planners as civilian nurses. In , when the government created the Army Nursing Corps, nurses became more integrated into the main force and, since then, have worn military uniforms.

Since many women served as nurses during World War II, government and military planners and their supporters welcomed women into the SDF in one, and only one official capacity: as nurses. In fact, the National Security Board, predecessor of the Defense Agency, implored the former chief nurse of the army hospital to enter this nascent Army Nursing Corps.

In , when Tanaka Jiro, a constitutional scholar of Tokyo University, attended a cabinet committee meeting to discuss the establishment of the Safety Forces, he insisted that the Safety Forces should be distinct from the Imperial Army. He pointed to the role of women as part of the process of differentiation:. This may be irrelevant but introducing women into the National Police Reserve will make its atmosphere more cheerful and avoid possible conflicts with people.

Please think about this as an issue of the incarnate National Security Board. We must recall that the majority of National Police Reserve members had military service records. Given the prewar role of women in the military as nurses, readers may believe that the incorporation of nurses in the SDF heightened the similarity to the former Imperial Army. We can infer that one reason why the postwar military placed women nurses in positions for future development was to camouflage the continuity with the prewar military, in other words, to give the impression that this postwar institution represented a break from the Imperial Army.

In the late s to s the gender structure of the SDF changed significantly. Japanese government military planners then expanded the number and types of jobs that SDF women could perform. One civilian defense official, Kaihara Osamu, Director General of the Secretariat of the Minister of State for Defense from to , recalled the situation he had observed that affected his decision to change this policy:. What a waste!


I thought, women are good at organizing, you know? Think about World War II. So I thought that men should run with machine guns while women take care of storing them. Such a division of labor would be best, I thought. However, other forces would affect the gendered formation of the military. Japan is among the loyal students influenced by the gendered structure of the U. Tanaka Shoji visited the U. On the left is Lt. Elizabeth P.

Hoisington, who was appointed the seventh Director of WAC in August and served from to During his visit, Col. Tanaka learned how the Pentagon incorporated women into its staff, although women comprised just 2 percent of the U. Matsukane Hisatomo, who had served in the U. Tanaka to approve the creation of a Japanese WAC.

WAC School. Throughout the Cold War, the U. WAC Center trained foreign female officers not only from Japan but from many allied countries. We can infer from a list of foreign female officers trained at the U. WAC Center that they played roles in networking relations between the U. Japan was hardly alone in dispatching women to the WAC center.

Korea and Vietnam sent the largest number of female officers to the U. All three of our countries Japan, South Vietnam, and the U. Our three nations also share a common belief that all people everywhere have a right to be free. Only in our combined strength can we assist in the preservation of freedom and the defense of the free world. We believe that your attendance at our School will be of value in furthering the defense of your nations and in future cementing the ties of friendship which exist among us. The female SDF personnel learned about more than the defense of the free world. The U.

WAC leaders maintained this educational policy until disbanding and integrating in the s and Japanese SDF female personnel learned from and emulated much from them, while adapting their approach to Japanese sensibilities. In fact, this policy has since been partially modified. There is evidence that the decision to incorporate women was also motivated, as in the American case, by the need to make up for the shortfalls of male recruits, a factor that bore no relationship to the goal of gender equality. Consequently, the SDF faced great difficulty in attracting qualified male recruits.

During this period, SDF recruiters went to the cities and enlisted unemployed youth including those with little education and even juvenile delinquents. However, these new recruits caused disciplinary problems, including crime and fighting. In addition, the resignation rate was very high. Figure 4 SDF recruiting poster, One officer in the Ground Staff Office sought to persuade his subordinates who opposed the idea of the WAC with the following words:.

If the SDF admits women, we could gain more supporters. This is because if one woman decides to become an SDF member, she would have to persuade everyone in her family. Moreover, such a woman with a healthy spirit would bear children who would become soldiers. The movement to incorporate women into the SDF coincided with the mass movement of the s opposing the U. This political backdrop led some military officials to believe that recruitment of women could play a role in changing public opinion about the SDF. Since their introduction into the SDF, a substantial number of women have served in the recruitment division.

The recruitment strategy in Okinawa, a location with an overwhelming U. They are uniformed citizens. Figure 5 is a SDF recruiting poster, showing two men arm wrestling while surrounded by four women and three men in uniform. Figure 6 is a SDF recruiting poster. A male SDF official is shown in the center, surrounded by young civilian friends, five men and two women. Figure 6 SDF recruiting poster, Human, comrade, friendship, yesterday, today, tomorrow, the meeting of fresh spirits is an important time!

The presence of women in each of these posters is essential to creating the warm image of SDF friendship with citizens. In the s and s, in close coordination with the U. A central figure in promoting these changes was Nakasone Yasuhiro, the hawkish prime minister from to He shifted restrictive Japanese security policy in a more aggressive direction by abolishing the one percent Gross National Product GNP ceiling on military spending and launching joint military training with the U. At that time, the role of women in the SDF expanded in various ways.

From the late s to the early s during the bubble economy era, civilian jobs were plentiful and the SDF faced a shortfall in male recruits. As a result, SDF policy makers sought to recruit more women. As Figure 1 shows, the number of women in the SDF in 8,, or 3. An additional factor further influenced official decisions regarding gender integration in the SDF. External pressure, exerted by global institutions such as the United Nations helped promote gender equality worldwide, including in the military. Civilian and military officials of the Defense Agency moved to significantly expand the numbers and types of jobs that SDF women could perform.

The percentage of SDF jobs open to women reached 75 percent, up from 39 percent. Although CEDAW triggered these changes, their underlying cause cannot be reduced to feminist efforts. Karl L. There were other noteworthy factors. The number of male-only recruitment posters has been decreasing and the number of female-only and male and female posters has been increasing. Although female models appeared in posters beginning in , SDF designers began to over-represent women in the s in order to appeal to young Japanese men and possibly women as potential SDF members.

The following two figures illustrate the shifting gender profile in recruitment posters. Figure 7 is a painting and Figure 8 is a photograph, but their composition is identical. In Figure 7, the three SDF men pictured are not smiling, while in Figure 8 the three women pictured are smiling broadly and displaying their white teeth. But who loves whom? The implication in Figure 9 is clear: the civilian woman loves the uniformed male SDF member. However, two interpretations are possible for Figure 8. Another interpretation, however, is that the women SDF members depicted in the poster love the vitality of unseen male SDF applicants or recruits.

In both interpretations, the posters try to appeal to potential young male recruits. This was designed to give women the opportunity to gain promotions to senior officer ranks. Thus, the possibility that women would become officers and decision makers increased. CEDAW is again a key to understanding this change. It is striking that even many leading officials and Diet members who tried to open the door for women in the SDF justified the change in traditional terms.

Figure 9 SDF recruiting poster, As a man, I think that female students of the NDA will have a positive effect. People will change their view of the SDF and young men will decide to enroll in the NDA and contribute to national defense so that they can find good wives. I recommend thinking that way. In addition to recruitment problems, government officials were more concerned about the image of the government institution kan than they were in improving the position of women in society.

White papers at the time explained the necessity for the SDF to extend opportunities for women to work, following a period in which women gained greater opportunities to work in civil society. In , the Japanese government promulgated the Basic Law for a Gender Equal Society, which proclaims the realization of a gender-equal society a top-priority in 21st century Japan and clarifies the basic principles for achieving a gender-equal society and the respective duties of the state, local governments, and citizens.

Since then, the SDF have promoted further gender integration. Since then, the participation of female service members in UN peacekeeping operations has become commonplace. In addition, when the Japanese government supported the U. When the Japanese government declared the southern Iraq city Samawa a noncombat area and dispatched the SDF there, female officials were included in the first group. At the same time, this refueled the debate in Japan about Article Nine of its Constitution.

What message does this photo communicate? The inclusion of female members in the troop is intended to persuade skeptical Japanese people to view Samawa as a noncombat area and the Iraq mission as a benevolent peace operation. If Samawa is a dangerous combat area and the Iraq mission is to wage war, after all, who would send women there? There is abundant evidence to show that the Japanese media lacks a critical stance towards these politicized gender representations.

Figures 11, 12, 14, and 15 are photographs that appeared in morning newspapers on February 6, , when the fifth SDF force was dispatched to Iraq. On that day, about soldiers left for Iraq and family members saw them off. Interestingly, news reporters from several different newspapers chose the same two subjects in their depictions of the event. Another example of prescribed gender representation can be seen in the following recruiting movie created by the ASDF in This is an email written by a male SDF member to his girlfriend, who is shown reading the message on her cell phone.

Dear Sacchan, We finished serving in Iraq and today we are leaving for Japan. I was glad to hear that our plane was called the Bluebird of Happiness. This was the best word for we Japanese. Constant tensions and hardships were no big deal for me but I have been concerned about you, Sacchan. I am sorry to have worried you and … thank you. Change in civil society had a ripple effect leading to changes in the SDF.

At the same time, the Japanese government has been promoting gender integration of the SDF. The government upgraded the Defense Agency to the Defense Ministry in What propelled this change in policy? One factor is the need to recruit SDF personnel in the era of a declining birthrate and aging population. Another factor is globally-promoted gender mainstreaming. Processes of militarization encompass not only military buildup in wartime, but also diverse transformations of civilian society in peacetime.

This paper has explored the militarization of Japanese society from a gendered perspective, discussed the reasons for incorporating women into the SDF, and documented its use of women in marketing the SDF. It is noteworthy that during these four stages—from to the present—at no time did Japanese women campaign for gender integration in the SDF. By contrast, Japanese women activists, deeply concerned about the threat of resurgent militarism in Japan, have not prioritized support for expanded opportunities for women in the SDF.

During the first stage s to early s , the inclusion of women allowed the SDF to differentiate itself from the Imperial Army. As soon as he saw that piece of wood, Mastro Cherrywas filled with joy. She was smiling. I looked. But Young Zeb had caught up his cap and rushed from the cottage. It was a foggy, cloudy morning, and a dun-coloured veil hung over the house-tops, looking like the reflection of the mud-coloured streets beneath. My companion was in the best of spirits, and prattled away about Cremona fiddles, and the difference between a Stradivarius and an Amati.

As for myself, I was silent, for the dull weather and the melancholy business upon which we were engaged, depressed my spirits. It was not long before their arrival that I finished my first novel, the one with which my literary career began, and being a novice I did not know at first what to do with it. I said nothing about it at the Ichmenyevs. They almost quarrelled with me for leading an idle life, that is, not being in the service and not trying to get a post.

The old man bitterly and irritably reproached me, from fatherly solicitude, of course. I was simply ashamed to tell him what I was doing. But how was I to tell them straight out that I did not want to enter the service, but wanted to write novels? And so I deceived them for the time, saying that I had not found a post, and that I was looking for one as hard as I could. Nikolay Sergeyitch had no time to go into it. I remember that one day Natasha, overhearing our conversation, drew me aside mysteriously and besought me with tears to think of my future.

She kept questioning me and trying to discover what I was doing, and when I refused to tell my secret even to her, she made me swear that I would not ruin myself by being an idler and a loafer. Though I did not confess what I was doing even to her, I remember that for one word of approval from her of my work, of my first novel, I would have given up all the most flattering remarks of the critics and reviewers which I heard about myself afterwards.

And then at last my novel came out. Long before its appearance there was a lot of talk and gossip about it in the literary world. If I was ever happy it was not in the first intoxicating moment of my success, but before I had ever read or shown anyone my manuscript; in those long nights spent in exalted hopes and dreams and passionate love of my work, when I was living with my fancies, with the characters I had myself created, as though they were my family, as though they were real people; I loved them, I rejoiced and grieved with them, and sometimes shed genuine tears over my artless hero.

And I cannot describe how the old people rejoiced at my success, though at first they were awfully surprised. How strange it seemed to them! I have mentioned already that the door opened as slowly and noiselessly as though she were afraid to come in. Standing in the doorway she gazed at me in a perplexity that was almost stupefaction. At last softly and slowly she advanced two steps into the room and stood before me, still without uttering a word.

I examined her more closely. She was a girl of twelve or thirteen, short, thin, and as pale as though she had just had some terrible illness, and this pallor showed up vividly her great, shining black eyes. With her left hand she held a tattered old shawl, and with it covered her chest, which was still shivering with the chill of evening.

Her whole dress might be described as rags and tatters. Her thick black hair was matted and uncombed. We stood so for two minutes, staring at one another. He told me you had both thought of it, and agreed to take a poor girl, an orphan, to bring up. Is that true? Granting Pushkin was a great man, who would deny it! Something in the ephemeral way. Though indeed I have read very little of it. Prose is a different matter. A prose writer may be instructive? But there, there, read! Westgate declared. This latter document was a great puzzle to our friends, who, on reflecting that its bewildering categories took account of breakfast alone, had the uneasy prevision of an encyclopedic dinner-list.

They found copious diversion at their inn, an enormous wooden structure for the erection of which it struck them the virgin forests of the West must have been quite laid waste. It was perforated from end to end with immense bare corridors, through which a strong draught freely blew, bearing along wonderful figures of ladies in white morning-dresses and clouds of Valenciennes lace, who floated down the endless vistas on expanded furbelows very much as angels spread their wings.

In front was a gigantic verandah on which an army might have encamped? Here our young men enjoyed, as they supposed, a glimpse of American society, which was distributed over the measureless expanse in a variety of sedentary attitudes and appeared to consist largely of pretty young girls, dressed as for a fete champetre, swaying to and fro in rocking-chairs, fanning themselves with large straw fans and enjoying an enviable exemption from social cares.

Lord Lambeth had a theory, which it might be interesting to trace to its origin, that it would be not only agreeable, but easily possible, to enter into relations with one of these young ladies; and his companion found occasion to check his social yearning. Westgate, the termination of whose interview with Lady Pimlico had allowed her to revert to their elder visitor.

I opened the book and prepared to read. My novel had come from the printers only that day, and having at last got hold of a copy, I rushed round to read it to them. It was half-past seven when we arrived. His tall figure, his bent back, his death-like face with the stamp of eighty years upon it, his old great-coat torn at the seams, the battered round hat, at least twenty years old, which covered his head?

It really was strange to see an old man who had so outlived the natural spar, alone, with no one to look after him, especially as he looked like a madman who had escaped from his keepers. I was struck, too, by his extraordinary emaciation; he seemed scarcely to have any body, it was as though there were nothing but skin over his bones. His large lustreless eyes, set as it were in blue rims, always stared straight before him, never looking to one side, and never seeing anything?

I noticed this several times. Woodley believes Captain Littledale away in India. It was a wonderful time. Every evening, every free hour I spent with them. He even began to read the critical articles of B. He praised him enthusiastically, though he scarcely understood him, and inveighed against his enemies who wrote in the Northern Drone. And of course one likes that.