This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. More filters. Sort order. The second instalment and it truly lived up the promise of the first. The kind I grew up with. But the vampires are by no means the on The second instalment and it truly lived up the promise of the first.
But the vampires are by no means the only villains in this — oh dear me no. Jul 08, Mike rated it it was amazing.
This book starts where Djinnx'd left off, If you haven't read djinnx'd then do so, you will love it. Tamar and Denny are back and I'm so pleased they are, this new adventure with Askphrit in tow is fabulous and again having read the book I can't wait to read the next in the series to find out what happens next. This is a little darker than the first book and our heros encounter many twists and turns along the path of their adventure, Again pure escapism and a joy to read.
If you are thinking of buy This book starts where Djinnx'd left off, If you haven't read djinnx'd then do so, you will love it. If you are thinking of buying this book then press buy, believe me it's worth every penny Sep 03, Ruby Ridge rated it really liked it. Good book but Denny continues to be a pain in the reader's ass. Jesse rated it really liked it Oct 06, Melanie rated it it was amazing Oct 19, Thyas6 rated it liked it Feb 25, Johnston rated it it was ok Dec 26, Simon Perkins rated it it was amazing Jan 26, Ruth rated it it was amazing Jul 16, Arielle rated it it was amazing May 25, Ed Brown rated it really liked it Jul 02, Nov 13, Lee Foreman rated it it was amazing.
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The photograph was taken in when he was awarded the Imperial Service Medal after retiring, aged 67, as a draughtsman from R. He died in after a long illness. Hargreave A number of other soldiers remember Lawrence at Bovington. Ronald Shewry of Weymouth was a private in the Tanks. Although not a close friend he would often study him in the camp. Whilst walking back along the road past Clouds Hill, during his courting days, he sometimes saw Private Shaw standing outside his cottage, staring at the stars. Walter Charles Alcock also served at Bovington in the s, and had joined the Army in aged 14 after running away from home.
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From to he was serving as a Major at Bovington and his daughter remembered he put Lawrence on a charge for going A. The son of an N. Robertson of Pontefract, West Yorkshire, recalled his family lived in the married quarters in the s, one of the perks of which was the weekly delivery of free rations. When she enquired who he was she discovered it was Private T. Shaw of Clouds Hill. He was attached to the Depot and someone came to tell him that Lawrence of Arabia had joined up. Lawrence After Arabia campaign] but I talked to him on occasions, principally about motorcycles.
He used to ride Brough Superiors. He said Lawrence did his recruit training in exemplary fashion but hated it and the soldiers as well. On one occasion He went out at lunchtime and was late back. Challenged about this he explained that he had been detained by his host at a lunch party which he had gone to. This was received with evident disbelief and he was asked who was there: Army Medical History Form B. He was hastily released from all threatened penalties. Kingdon, of Eastleigh, Hampshire met Lawrence.
He came straight to Mrs. Knowles house, he was introduced as her neighbour, she kept an eye on his house. He told us he planned to use paper plates, to avoid washing up, I had never heard of such things then! He also told us he planned to plant a variety of rhododendrons to supplement the wild variety that already exists on the surrounding sloping countryside. Many, many years later I saw that this had been achieved, the land was just a mass of rhododendrons. He also objected to overhead electricity wires, saying they should all be underground. I can remember this quite plainly; I was twelve years old at the time.
One day he pushed the bike out of its garage in full dress uniform, complete with sword and scabbard, in order to inspect the sentries on duty. Lawrence had witnessed this stately progress a number of times and this time he followed on his Brough. The camp was criss-crossed by numerous dirt roads and, as the Major advanced, Lawrence deliberately cut across the front on his bike with a roar of acceleration.
Lawrence After Arabia Duncan recalled that Lawrence used to go off every weekend on his motorbike but would never put in for a leave pass. After a time he was reprimanded for this. When questioned about such vagueness he explained that the previous Saturday he had intended to visit his mother in Brighton but when he got to the Wareham turning he was travelling so fast he went straight across, being unable to turn, and went to see his brother in Cornwall. Almost all witnesses remark upon how reckless Lawrence was on his Broughs. It was a masterpiece how he could control this monster of a bike.
Although there was no mishap, he declined to go again. D, served at Bovington. We all knew what he was like for speed. Many times he would put in for a weekend pass, go off on a Friday night, where to no one knew. On Monday morning you would hear the roar of his bike coming up the hill that led to the camp and in no time he would be alongside you with a great big grin on his face.
I think just before he relinquished that and had the SS, he had a little Francis Barnett with a geodesic frame — you could pick it up with one hand, the actual opposite! In less than two months a soldier had borrowed it without permission and driven straight into a nearby gravel quarry, bending it irreparably.
Lawrence sold it back to the Red Garage for a nominal sum. The Red Garage in Bovington village was so named because of its red corrugated metal roof, and the proprietor was A. He was also twice in action at Arras and was awarded the MM. The Red Garage was located in a small tin shed next to the Bovington cinema.
In he met Lawrence, who wanted to rent a lockup for his Brough. It was the Runyards who picked up the bike from Clouds Hill after the accident. Godfrey was a trials rider for Douglas and Rudge Ulster and he and Lawrence often discussed motorcycles. Godfrey Runyard worked at the Red Garage from the age of 16 in From 14 he also worked as a part-time projectionist at the camp cinema and Lawrence would often pop in see him in the evening and have a chat. He did take a ride on my Rex Acme with a cc Blackburn engine.
He commented that the petrol tank was large like his bike. He was a very interesting man to talk with and very polite. As an unbeliever he had, for a long time, felt dissatisfaction with the compulsory requirement for all rankers to attend church parade. We used to go to church, only Church Parade. As far as the Army was concerned church was an excuse to have a parade and a band out. We just had to go. Lawrence made the long journey to Canterbury dressed in the uniform of a private. He asked who he was.
Lawrence subsequently developed a very irreverent opinion of the most senior Anglican in England. When Sergeant Knowles was digging out the foundations for their cottage in the early s he found the remains of some small, blue, glass beads, enough to make a necklace. We did after some hard work get the door open. As we went in he said, Clouds Hill cottage today.
Rear of the building showing Sgt. It was in this room that Lawrence punched an intrusive reporter in the eye in and where John Bruce administered at least one beating. The large gramophone speaker is not the original. Well, after many days and lots of letters he went off for a weekend to London. Lawrence appeared with two other soldiers who stood at a respectful distance. Lawrence asked Sergeant Knowles if there was any possibility of renting it.
Sergeant Knowles had intended building a wing on it for his four sons he had built his own cottage over the road the year before. Knowles agreed to talk it over with his family. Lawrence said he would return the following week. He seemed entirely out of place in uniform, having a strained air about him. Henry Frampton was the High Sheriff of Dorset that year and donated the plot in which Lawrence was buried six years later, as the graveyard at Moreton village hall was full. They came from different sides of the Fetherstonehaugh-Frampton family. Henry was 19 years older than Lawrence.
Whilst he used the cottage as a personal retreat Lawrence also used to invite friends from all strata of society to visit. He invited his literary friends as well as men from the camp. The National Trust has owned the cottage since when Arnold Lawrence donated it. Arthur Russell remembered the work that was done on the cottage in the s: So he approached him and asked him, would he see to the roof? To preserve the cobwebs — they were big ones. He did a lot of work on it himself, and I believe he got someone from Moreton village down to do the tiling and that.
And he did the woodwork. Now while it was in progress Shaw and I did one of the dormer windows. There were three little dormers. Sergeant Knowles was doing one of the others and we were just copying him. On the inside the wall is only about three and a half feet high round and then going up to the roof. We covered it with hessian, stuck it on. After Lawrence moved into the cottage he had Sergeant Knowles knock down a partition in the upper room and put a skylight in the roof.
A leather settee arrived and it was necessary to remove a window to get it in; then a table, a green carpet and two leather upholstered chairs. One friend in the ranks remembered Lawrence telling him that he sold his gold Arabian dagger to pay for the restoration. After the structure was made watertight, furniture, books, pictures and a Columbia gramophone with many records were brought in.
Lesley Gates also remembered working on the cottage: One day he came up the hill with a lump of wood under his arm, which when trimmed down made the mantle shelf. Neddy never sat down to eat and drink, so the mantle shelf he had put at just the height he could stand and rest his arm on. He ate and drank very little.
Anything But Ordinary (Tamar Black, #6) by Nicola Rhodes
In a radio broadcast E. We lived upstairs, and the sitting room there looks now much as it did then, though the gramophone and books have gone, and the fender with its bent ironwork has been remodelled. It was, and it is, a brownish room — wooden beams and ceiling, leather covered settee.
At other times, when the cottage was full, he would rent a room at the Black Bear Hotel in Wareham. Arthur Russell remembered the work they did on the interior: He had that made by a blacksmith who lived in one of the houses just beyond the camp. Feeding up there, I think all we ever did was toast. By September Clouds Hill had developed a neglected air. I did make a radio set. I put a pole on top of Clouds Hill and ran the aerial down to the cottage and in.
This set I made in a type of suitcase, a wooden one. But that was stolen within a month. I think I know who had it. He used to make radio sets in those days and sell them. Just like my own. He used to do food up there, but that was always toast. There were no cooking facilities and no water laid on. Stand it on the mantlepiece.
We used to live mainly on toast and fruit and cream. A gramophone and books completed the furnishing of the upstairs room. He was fond of music. Another record I remember was Elmer Gluck and Caruso singing. The only time they ever sang together. He used to love listening to music. All sorts of music there. Both Russell and Corporal Gates remembered meeting her: I recall one lady he thought a great deal of that was Mrs Shaw. He looked upon her as a second mother and as I saw it they were very good friends.
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When we got the little house at Clouds Hill round a bit, [Charlotte Shaw] came down and brought bedclothes, knives and forks, teacups, plates, teapot. The Danish-Polish alliance did not last long. The Polish prince achieved his aims and both parties probably did not trust each other much. The sense of mutual distrust may have been based on continuing Danish hopes to conquer the region at the mouth of the Odra. Another reason could be the growing tensions on the Danish-Obodritian border. Conlicts between closely related pretenders to the throne of Denmark lasted until It was long enough to establish the image of weak and ineficient Danish rulers, who were not able to meet the expectations of kingship.
This image could be opposed by the Slavic prince, who for a short time succeeded in playing a key role in Pomerania and part of the Polabian territories. In this context, the achievements of the Danish king Valdimar I, who began his reign in , seem to be especially important. His policy towards the Slavs, including around the Odra estuary region, resembled the earlier operations of Haraldr Gormsson as described above. The particular representatives of the Danish dynasty, especially Haraldr Gormsson and his son, are presented as unable to rule eficiently or sustain their supporters, concentrating only on ighting their relatives in order to acquire power.
Their weakness and ineficiency was used by magnates who, competing with one another or making conspiracies against the ruler, contributed to his weakness. The saga account is largely concurrent with the situation of royal authority in Denmark in the irst half of the twelfth century. The situation was even more dramatic because at the time of both Fodevig and Grathe Hede, Denmark was the target of violent Slavic invasions.
The latter seems to have all the virtues lacking in his Danish equivalents. Europe around the year The Fateful Hundred Years. Sweden in the Eleventh Century. The Neighbours of Poland in the 11th Century. Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel nordisk Litteratur Saxo and the Baltic. Foreign policy or domestic affairs?
Saxo and the Baltic region: Edited by Tore Nyberg. Danish lords and Slavonic rulers. Jomsborg and the Jomsvikings in Old Norse Tradition. The amphibious capacity of the medieval Danish armies. Maritime Warfare in Northern Europe.
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Saxonis Grammatici Gesta Danorum. Herausgegeben von Bernhard Schmeidler. The Neighbours of Poland in the 10th Century. Particular accounts differ however in one fundamental respect: Other narratives present very different circumstances: The poor representations Danish monarchs earned in the legend were most likely the result of various factors. Memory of both distant and recent Slavic-Scandinavian encounters in the borderlands of Western Pomerania, Denmark and Saxony seems to be among the most decisive ones.
Well- documented in both written sources and archaeology, Scandinavian voyaging reached its peak during the Viking Age between the late eighth and eleventh centuries , when they travelled far and wide to undertake various activities. For three centuries Norsemen sailed on their well-built ships along the coasts of Europe in search of plunder. But raiding was not the sole purpose of their activity. In addition to stealing things and people, Scandinavians also stole land: They took over the North Atlantic islands, parts of Anglo-Saxon Britain, Ireland, Frankia, and various territories in eastern Europe, which everywhere caused short- and long-term changes in the ethnic composition of local populations Loyn , Byock , Duczko When they had had enough of plundering, Scandinavian pirates started to engage in trading goods, specializing in slaves, and commerce became the principal reason for their travels.
The Norsemen were mainly interested in the riches of the West and the East, but they also recognized the opportunities to be found in places that were much closer to home, such as the southern coast of the Baltic Sea, populated by Slavs, Balts, and Finns. Among these trading sites, Wolin, known as Jumne, was the most famous. Wolin was founded on the island of the same name located in the eastern part of the estuary of the river Odra Oder. Taking advantage of its strategic position deep within the estuary of a great river that connected the Baltic Sea to the Slavic lands in the south, the settlement that appeared on the eastern side of the island of Wolin, close to the river Dziwna Dievenow , developed in the early ninth century into a centre of thriving trade.
Historians and archaeologists have focused their attention on Viking- Age Wolin for a long time. However, archaeological research has changed this once dominant opinion by introducing results that have allowed for a new approach to the early history of the town. It is now clear that the original settlement on the eastern shore of the island of Wolin was Slavic. What the initial impulse for founding this site was we do not know. It is possible that in the beginning people on the island were more interested in agrarian economy than in trading. In the long run, this appears to have been a sensible choice: The production of food attracted the attention of traders and sped up developments on the island.
This sort of urban unit points to the establishment of an elite who were involved in new kinds of activities — trading and crafts — which exposed them to the dangers of plundering raids. Wolin was becoming a regular port of trade similar to many other pre-existing sites around the Baltic.
Further developments that occurred in the irst decades of the tenth century also reveal that the town was successful: In the same period a chain of forts along the river Dziwna were built that secured the city from the sea. Wolin was systematically gaining an important position in the network of long-distance trade. The Norse presence, which had been almost non-existent in the early phases of Viking-Age Wolin, was now taking up more space and exerting more inluence.
The clearest trace of this can be found in the form of a large house built in the late s during the heyday of the main settlement in Stare Miasto. Its central location and the kind of material used for its construction — oak, a tree that was already rare on the island — demonstrate the exceptional nature of the building and its purpose. Finds from this place provide us with the evidence that it was serving people from the North.
The site with the oak-house was not the only place in Wolin where Norsemen dwelt from the end of the tenth century to the irst decades of the eleventh Filipowiak There are at least seven such places, including wooden houses, where typical Norse objects have been dis- covered: What we have here is a collection of easily recognizable items of Norse origin far more numerous than was previously believed would be the case in the city.
Not all of the aforementioned artefacts were initially recognized as works by Norsemen. Especially one, a very famous object, is notorious: From my studies it became obvious that this artefact belonged to the Norse religious sphere, not only because of the charac- teristic element with four faces, but also because of the shape of the elongated part, which is in fact a whetstone with the same decoration as an item found in the Oseberg ship Duczko In the same study I was able to attribute a large number of items found in Wolin to a local Norse workshop.
The number of items with such decoration and their homogeneity show that artisans who had been trained in Britain were working in Wolin. Many of the objects with the typical motifs of this art were discovered in the main centres of the young Polish state of the Piasts: The distribution of products that are characteristic of the Wolin workshop indicates the existence of a special kind of relation between the city and the rulers of Poland.
What can the aforementioned Norse archaeological source material from Wolin tell us about this site when we compare it with other trading sites on the southern shore of the Baltic? There are several of them — in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern: Ralswiek, further east in Polish Pomerania: One distinguishing feature is signiicant: Wolin was founded later than these other emporia which in most cases were established in the early eighth century. Equally important is that they appeared in the regions where a Scandinavian presence had been unbroken since at least sixth century Duczko ; Dulinicz The other important fact is that — with exception of Truso and Wiskiauten — these sites only existed for a century or two: The main feature of these sites is their wholly Norse character: Menzlin has to be considered as a special site.
Located on the river Peene, only about ninety kilometres west from Wolin across the Bay of Szczecin, it was occupied by Danes and comprised a complete Norse society, where the infrastructure with a harbour, stone roads and bridges was standard and where the burial ground with family graves was visible in the land- scape in a most impressive way.
How does Wolin look in this context? Different, as we have already been able to see. Wolin was fortiied while none of the other aforementioned emporia, with the exception of Truso, was protected by a wall. The presence of entire families, with women and children, is a necessary prerequisite for the creation of a society with a distinctive culture, as is so well manifested in eastern Europe, where many settlements can be easily recognized as Scandinavian because of family burials with classic Norse elements Duczko The absence of typical oval brooches as well as extremely few inds of female jewellery in Wolin is a revealing feature.
It is well-known that Norse women used a lot of ornaments as can be seen from inds not only in their own countries but also abroad. The few inds of Norse ornaments lead us to assume that some Norse women were living in Wolin, but they were not many. Only a pair of very untypical oval brooches have been discovered here, along with another pair of round brooches with a four- volute motif, which are not in an orthodox, standard form.
This reinforces the idea that the Norsemen did not constitute a consolidated group acting as a regular society here. So the presence of so few Norse women can be taken as an indication that the Scandinavian community in Wolin was not functioning as in the other Norse emporia along the Slavic and Baltic coasts. Contradicting the contents of the saga are the very few inds of weapons and similarly the few burials of warriors, practically none of the kind in the form of chamber-graves known from Birka, Hedeby, Pskov, and Gnezdovo.
However, we have to notice what is special about Wolin, namely the activity of a workshop producing knife-handles with Insular decoration: This is an important indication of the presence of a group of males of Danish origin with Anglo-Saxon connections enjoying the art they were accustomed to. What usually gives a site outside Scandinavia a distinctive Norse lavour are inds of artefacts with runic inscriptions.
It is worth remembering that Scandinavians had been using writing since the beginning of the irst millennium, while West Slavic societies were illiterate, and that the use of runes had many purposes, among which magic was reportedly the most important. It should also be stressed that when objects with runes appear outside Scandinavia, they are usually discovered in places where Norsemen were evidently dwelling, which is also the case in Wolin.
We can be sure that Danes were living in the town, where they played an important, but temporary, leading role in the Slavic community of Wolin. They were traders and warriors, some of them both at the same time, like many other Scandinavians during the Viking Age. However, as their presence there was not recorded in reliable written documents, they have to remain literary heroes. Bibliography Byock, Jesse L. Origins of Central Europe. Studies on the presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe.
About hoards of silver in the Viking Age Scandinavia. Some aspects of the development of Wolin in the 8th—11th centuries in the light of the results of new research. Polish Lands at the turn of the irst and second millennia. Ports and emporia of the southern coast: The Baltic Sea region in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard. Maritime Culture of the North 2. Interdisciplinary Medieval Studies 2. Viking Age Wolin and the Baltic Sea trade. Proposals, declines and engagements.
Bonner Hefte zur Vorgeschichte 9. Firstly, Wolin was founded later than other emporia in the region. Secondly, the character of the Scandinavian presence is different.
Wolin is characterized by a distinct Slavic core and a short-lived presence of a Scandinavian elite with a clear underrepresentation of Norse women. Other emporia bear evidence of a continuous Scandinavian presence and wholly Norse character, including families, with a very clear presence of Norse women, and graves with rich inventories. Thirdly, Wolin was fortiied while none of the other aforementioned emporia was protected by a wall. Whenever one side of the Baltic coast was weakened by civil wars or internal turmoil, invaders from the opposite coast tried to take advantage of the situation.
However, Danish schoolchildren are told that in the end the Danes gained the upper hand, unlike in later military campaigns in Danish history. Thus, these events form an important part in the creation of Danish national romantic self-understanding. The historical annals which deal with this period naturally focus on martial deeds and battles as focal points in the events of history. However, when studying the most learned of these annalists, Saxo Grammaticus, it is evident that the description of the enemy as such is also very negative: Slavs seemingly have bad habits, they are primitive, and — if they do negotiate — they are replete with false words.
In all this, of course, they are very unlike their Danish counterparts. This impression of constant hostilities is in turn contradicted by the fact that numerous marriage bonds linked the royal families around the Baltic according to the same historical sources. Archaeological evidence also demonstrates the large-scale trading and exchange of goods that involved all the populations in the Baltic region.
In Scandinavia the presence of Slavic occupation or settlement has been suggested from the island of Als in the west to the island settlement of Lerche Nielsen, Michael. On the island of Langeland excavations at the medieval fortiication Guldborg in seem to conirm a Slavic onslaught on the Danish defenders Skaarup South of the Baltic Sea chamber burials, burial customs, ship tumuli and marketplaces along the inland rivers bear witness to a substantial Scandinavian presence. The majority of the archaeological artefacts, however, suggest trade and the presence of Slavic settlements points in a more peaceful direction.
In this respect the historical records are literary texts or political pamphlets rather than neutral records of the events. To what extent did the two populations interact linguistically? According to Saxo there was no mutual intelligibility between the Scandinavian and Slavic populations. Among the armies there would often be people who could understand a word or two and igure out the intentions of the enemy, but translators seemed to be compulsory when it came to peace negotiations. The rather great linguistic difference between Slavic and Scandinavian languages provides a good explanation for this but it is not necessarily the only explanation and bilingualism might have been more common than the written sources lead us to believe.
Loan words are also an important subject, and a complex one, especially in this case, because Low German at an early stage and High German at a later stage have been both primary and intermediary sources for the exchange of loan words between Slavic and Scandinavian. Personal names Another important linguistic source is personal names. It is well-attested that Slavic names were transferred to Scandinavia via royal marriages and later through the landed gentry from Pomerania who were established in Denmark, for instance common irst names as Valdemar and Preben in Denmark, Svante and possibly Gustav in Sweden from Slavic Vladimir, Pritbor, Svatopolk and Gostislav.
Personal names are not, however, identical with ethnicity: Often, though, a name provides a good starting point for discussing linguistic contact. If we assume that it is in fact the same Gnemer, he is the son of Ketill — a Scandinavian name. Despite the fact that he obviously speaks Slavic as well as Danish, it remains a puzzle to decide his ethnic ties: Another linguistic way of handling the clash of languages is name change.
In the runic inscription his name is rendered mistiuis in the genitive thus showing a linguistic adaption to the Old Norse masculine ija-declension. A parallel to this is the Christian name that several rulers took after their conversion, for instance Queen Olga of Kiev took the name Yelena Helen when she was baptized in the s. Name change has contem- porary as well as modern parallels. The reason for this might be that as a part of the plot in the narrative they all end up marrying Scandinavians.
Runic inscriptions In order to establish how the West Slavs and the Scandinavians coexisted in the eleventh and twelfth centuries it is possible to involve further evidence which in my opinion has been both misjudged by previous scholars and overlooked or underestimated in more recent research, namely ifteen runic inscriptions from the West Slavic area.
Most of the inscriptions were carved into the concave and convex sides of ribs from cattle while the bone surface was still soft after cooking. Thus, we may assume that they were produced locally at the ind spots. The inscriptions are archaeologically dated to the second half of the eleventh century or the irst half of the twelfth century.
For further bibliographical data I will point to the appendix. All the legible inscriptions are in Scandinavian and the types of inscriptions can be found elsewhere in similar urban runic inds from Scandinavia. In the following I shall go through the ifteen inds thematically. It should be noted, however, that the proportion of meaningful inscriptions from the West Slav lands seems to be at the same level or even higher than, for instance, urban inds from Lund, Sigtuna, Gamlebyen in Oslo, and Dublin.
Statements of ownership Another well-known type of inscription is the statement of ownership: The object is made of antler and it belongs to a very common type of artefact. The inscription — which I have unfortunately not investigated myself — seems to be worn, and it is not certain that it was carved on the banks of the river Vistula. According to the information available, the gaming piece was found in debris layers underneath a Romanesque ecclesiastical building Lerche Nielsen . I mention this because his interpretation occurs quite frequently in the runological literature.
The Wolin stick Next I shall turn to the Wolin wooden stick which — according to my lim- ited information I have to confess, the Viking og Hvidekrist catalogue no. Only the top of the incised symbols are visible, and therefore the inscription could be interpreted as either purely ornamental or runic. However, a dating to the eleventh century seems very early indeed, since the Scandinavian parallels are from the High Middle Ages. Probably it was simply the rune-carver who had fun writing his name. The same type of inscription is very common, for instance the grafiti from the Roman town Pompeii and modern name-tags.
The runes kur perhaps relect a personal name Larsson Several medieval Norwegian examples have been published by Karin Fjellhammer Seim a much older example from Sigtuna has been published recently by Helmer Gustavson On the concave side of the rib is the unmistakably naughty inscription: Most other urban settlements have provided similarly naughty inscriptions which have parallels in the sagas. We should certainly like to know more about the circumstances behind this inscription! Similar proverbs are well known in Old Norse literature.
Even within the runic corpus there are parallels, for instance from the town of Lund Moltke First of all, earlier scholars have paid little attention to this ind group. This substantial Scandinavian presence can be interpreted in several ways, however. There may have been Scandinavian prisoners of war or hostages who should secure a peace treaty who could have carved the inscriptions. A Scandinavian royal guard similar to the Varangians might also have been responsible for the messages.
Finally — and in my opinion most plausibly — Scandinavian merchants could have had permanent trade missions in the Slavic towns, just like Vindeboder in the Royal Danish town of Roskilde. The main conclusion to be drawn from the runic evidence is that the medieval sources seem to exaggerate the clash between the Scandinavians and their neighbours across the Baltic Sea, probably due to ideological reasons relevant to the age of the crusades. Runestones may tell of sudden death, but this undoubtedly has to express individual bravery and honour rather than a general negative attitude towards foreigners, and in fact other runestones attest peaceful trade activities.
Although small pieces of bone may seem boring — they provide a more plausible eyewitness report from the exact time and place of the events. References Barnes, Michael P. Medieval Dublin Excavations —81, Series B, 5. Bidrag til dansk Sproghistorie. Danmarks gamle Personnavne 1—4.
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- Harry Walkers Wife.
Gesta Danorum, Saxo Grammaticus 1—2. Hagland, Jan Ragnar, Ei kjelde til handelshistoria. Roes- dahl et al. Nordisk medeltidsliteracy i ett diglossiskt och digraiskt perspektiv 2. Wegweiser durch die Sammlung. Sprache und Schrift- lichkeit eines Grenzgebietes im Wandel eines Jahrtausends. De arkeologiske utgravninger i Gamlebyen, Oslo 1. De arkeologiske ut- gravninger i Gamlebyen, Oslo 3. Festskrift til Kristian Hald. Runes and Their Origin — Denmark and Elsewhere. Seim, Karin Fjellhammer, Runes and Latin Script: De vestnordiske futhark-innskriftene fra vikingetid og middelalder — form og funksjon.
Die Runeninschriften aus Schleswig. Sprache und Schriftlichkeit eines Grenz- gebietes im Wandel eines Jahrtausends. Summary This article discusses the discrepancy between historical accounts of the contacts between Scandinavians and West Slavs in the late Viking Age and early Middle Ages on the one hand and linguistic evidence — loan words, place-names, personal names, and runic inscriptions — on the other. The main focus is the small corpus of runic inscriptions found in urban contexts along the south coast of the Baltic Sea.
The inscriptions were previously seen as signs of hostilities, but the inds from Starigard Oldenburg in particular now point in a much more peaceful direction. The runic texts represent a high degree of literacy and the text types are very similar to inds from urban runic inds in mainland Scandinavia. This suggests a state of peaceful co-existence between Scandinavians and West Slavs and a permanent presence in the Slavic Towns, for instance of a diplomatic or mercantile nature or by a band of mercenaries.
Concave side height of the runes: Convex side height of the runes: Ralswiek Thigh bone from cattle measurements unknown. Kulturhistorisches Museum Stralsund Hd Inscription tu… No interpretation perhaps the beginning of a personal name Wolin Wooden stick yew-tree, mm long. First half of the eleventh century.
Lerche Nielsen : Inscription on the back, height of the runes approx. The most important evidence to be studied further is that of the place names, especially Vinderup and Vindeboder. The former is by Lerche Niel- sen p. The problem here, of course, is that we do not know for sure if these persons really, as suggested by Lerche Nielsen, stem ethnically from the regions suggested by their names or if they are ethnic Scandinavians having been given names because of some connection with non-Scandinavian areas.
If Vinderup was settled by one person or several from the Wendish area it proves that relations between them and the Danes must have been rather peaceful. A Scandinavian given a name connecting him to a non-Scandinavian area, on the other hand, does not 1 In this connection I discount the possibility of a person being named after an ancestor, in which case the question of onomastic origin is only removed a generation or more. The Scandinavian population cannot have been very small; the number of runic inscriptions is only one less than that stemming from the Nordic settlements on Ireland.
Nor are the runic inds from Wendland insigniicant. The most important aspect of these texts is that they constitute speaker- generated originals. Here, we hear from the resident Scandinavians them- selves, not from much later Danish, German or Icelandic authors. And it is striking how similar the inscriptions from West Slav lands are to those from places within the Scandinavian homelands proper. And even though the West Slavic runic material is limited in quantity, it is quite rich in contents and very interesting, showing a wide range for its size.