Most were therefore unfamiliar with the re- quirements of American-style advertisements, with their dense layout, decora- tive titles, and blend of different script styles and sizes. Moreover, composing the editorializing texts that the American firms swore by created a number of difficulties. Within the German media such texts were widely regarded as vacu- ous and stupid: Kurt Tucholsky, for one, unsparingly mocked the tastelessness and didacticism of advertising copy. Early attempts to translate U. Or, more precisely, first they had to be sold on the idea, for the skepticism toward long editorializing copy was shared even by many Ger- man employees within the American branch offices.
Long versus short copy. The use of slogans. Large logotypes. Featuring the trade mark. Catchy rather than specific, selling head lines. As a result in Germany we now have our own way. No slogans. Copy as long as we wish to make it. Logotypes as small as we wish to use them. No trade marks. And copy as we wish to write it. Though it took some time, the American agencies did learn to work quite effectively within the German environment.
What they did not reckon with, or at the very least underestimated at first, was how the different social context in Germany rendered some of their techniques ineffective even once they were satisfactorily realized against the odds just mentioned. Actresses are not regarded in the same way as in America as persons to be admired and imitated. Sales for the period from January to May were up 6. Such successes, in particular the detailed market analysis underlying them, did indeed bring recognition to the American agencies from German firms.
During the s local advertising conventions were adjusted, not displaced, by exposure to American marketing methods, which were only very selectively appropriated. The firsthand observation of American agencies in Ger- many did little to change this, since the foreign agencies had failed to land any real coups besides perhaps the impressive campaigns for Chrysler which was, as one article pointed out with some satisfaction, run by the leading English firm William Crawford and for Palmolive soap whose international advertisements were not specially devised for Germany.
Between Americanization and Germanization: Advertising in the s Though it is difficult to document, let alone quantify, there can be little doubt of the increasingly American appearance of German advertising over the early and mids: in the expanding use of text, of consumer-centered argumentation, of color printing and photography. But apart from developments within the advertising milieu itself, there were also a number of wider changes in German society that reinforced this trend.
By the end of the s there was a growing recognition that the future of market- ing lay in selling branded products to an increasingly national and socially diverse market, as was already largely the case in the United States. While I would not want to argue any chain of causality here, there were certain parallels between National Socialist propa- ganda techniques and American marketing methods that may have contributed to a subtle shift in perception. The advertising fetish of the Nazis is the swastika, which is propagated better than any factory or trade symbol ever was.
For while the use of emotive imagery and. Throughout its electoral campaigns the Nazi movement also laid considerable emphasis on verbal appeals to the concrete interests and desires of various social groups. Like an editorializing advertisement, these appeals were couched in a popular idiom and distilled down to a few basic points and sought to explain why people should give Hitler their votes.
This mixture of imagery and argumentation was precisely what advertising experts were currently rec- ommending for successful political electioneering. Effective propaganda, in other words, was characterized by a combination of suggestive and persuasive propaganda, a symbiosis of the poster and the flyer, of image and text.
The primary aim of the large American agencies was to open up new markets for consumer goods, overcoming geographical barriers and traditional social hierar- chies of taste and in the process constructing new consumer identities centered on participation in the purchase of commodities. The Nazis, for their part, aimed at opening up whole new constituencies for their ideas, breaking down older electoral allegiances and constructing new political identities revolving around participation and social entitlement based on nation and race.
Both campaigns, whether selling unfamiliar products to new consumers or selling novel policies to new constituencies, required a mixture of emotional appeal and explanation. Moreover, they also required targeting audiences and varying their messages ac- cordingly. One size did not fit all.
Celebrity testimonials by Lady Mountbatten or Mrs. The Gleichschaltung of professional bodies and the clear distinction between advertising consultants Werbeberater and brokers Werbevermittler meant that the full-service agency model never had a chance to develop, unlike in the rest of Europe. Some of the reasons for this were essentially structural. The establishment of reliable circulation figures and pre- cise size and format standards greatly enhanced market transparency for print advertising and helped make it more profitable.
A new requirement for explicit written authorization to quote or cite public personalities also removed some of the suspicion and odium attached to testimonial ads. All of these factors, in conjunction with new restrictions and charges on postering, contributed to the far-reaching eclipse of the poster by newspaper advertisements. Though the economic preconditions of the American model of consumption were first achieved in. Above all, the ideological straitjacket of the Volksgemeinschaft, which imposed upon the advertising sector a mythical community of interests between producers and consumers, had a number of concrete effects.
For one thing, the Nazis wasted little time in cleaning up marketing practices with a raft of tightened regulations against misleading, exaggerated, or dishonest sales pitches—to general applause both within and beyond the profession. The aim of advertising could no longer simply be to boost sales for a particular firm regardless of the wider ramifications. While there was nothing wrong with increasing sales per se, this was justified only insofar as it brought a real benefit to consumers and served the higher aim of strengthening the German economy.
Within this framework, the role of advertisers was not merely to sell goods for producers, but to act as a kind of honest broker, even consumer educator. Indeed, apart from the pious calls for responsibility toward both consumer and producer, the overall recommendations could just as easily have originated from a J. Although these articles do not for obvious reasons explicitly recommend a wholesale adoption of American advertising techniques, they nonetheless read as nothing less than a full-blown argument for Americanization.
Virtually all of the illustrations juxtapose a suggestive German poster-style announcement against a persuasive American editorializing ad. Strict party control amounted to a loss of professionalization in many regards; radio advertising, which boomed in the United States in the s, was marginal before and banned thereafter; and of course the efforts to reintro- duce Fraktur and to Germanize advertising images were anything but moderniz- ing insofar as they affected mainstream marketing. Nor is it to posit any simple chain of causality between Nazi propaganda and advertising policies on the one hand and the rise of the American-style editorializing ad on the other.
Rather, their relationship is more appropriately conceived as one of parallels and mutual influence, whereby the former was in many ways remarkably compatible with the latter. The fascination shown toward American advertising methods in interwar Germany was due to the fact that American advertisers had by this time ac- quired far more experience than their European counterparts in communicating with mass publics. Their techniques and practices were observed with interest because they represented, at least in many eyes, the future of advertising. But American marketing techniques were not adopted wholesale, and patterns of appropriation were influenced by a wide range of economic, political, social, and cultural factors.
In the Weimar Republic, German advertisers may frequently have indulged in uncritical adulation of the American model, but in practice they tended to adopt only those methods that suited the German context in the here and now. Under the Nazis, this selective appropriation of American tech- niques remained the rule, though for different reasons than before. Whereas the Weimar modernizers tended to view the United States as a kind of rough guide for the construction of a society of abundance, thus perceiving the adoption of American advertising methods as an integral part of this project, the Nazi leader- ship possessed its own unique blueprint for the future.
For the time being, therefore, the Nazis operated according to autarkic, not Fordist, principles. Thus advertising in the Third Reich was—well before the outbreak of war—ultimately oriented more toward steering consumption Ver-. For the Nazis, Americanism in advertising, as in all other spheres, was a means to an end only. The trip was organized by the Verband Deutscher Reklamefachleute and included visits to several major cities as well as the International Advertising Association convention in Detroit. See the comments in J.
See DR 22, no. It is telling, for instance, that the first firm to carry out detailed market analysis in Ger- many was J. Equally telling is the fact that the first standard German- language work on the subject was the product of a collaborative German-American effort: Hanns Kropff and Bruno Randolph. Marktanalyse: Untersuchung des Marktes und. See generally Rein- hardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, 46— Quotes from Marchand, Advertising the American Dream, See also Lears, Fables of Abun- dance.
Marchand, Advertising, Quoted in Marchand, Advertising, Verlag Ullstein Berlin: Ulstein, , —, especially Schwartz, The Werkbund. Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, 77— It is no coincidence that Kropff was one of the first German advertisers to use the American-style editorializing ad, most notably in his highly suc- cessful mids campaign for Elida soap. See Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Market- ing, Just a sampling: Johann Plenge, Deutsche Propaganda.
Mittler, Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, 87— The first director of the institute was. Walter Moede, who was also editor of the main applied psychology journal Prak- tische Psychologie and its successor Industrielle Psychotechnik. Walter Thompson during the s and s. Christoph v. Hartungen, Psychologie der Reklame, 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Poeschel, , 5. Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung, no.
Bela Balazs, Der sichtbare Mensch, 2nd ed. Halle: Knapp, , See generally Nolan, Visions of Modernity. Quoted in Knapp, Reklame, Propaganda, Werbung, 3—4. For an excellent overview of the U. See also the brief description in Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, — Willett, The New Sobriety, DR 19, nos. These quotes are from JWT Newsletter, no. A survey of four hundred women in Berlin and Cologne in August found that even among users of cold creams, 68 percent still used no cosmetics as a matter of principle. See also Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, — Quotes taken from H.
See Harsch, German Social Democracy, See also I. So the fitting title of Paul, Aufstand der Bilder. Paul, Aufstand der Bilder, The Nazis were acutely aware by November that their agitational propaganda style had exhausted its possibilities. The number of newspapers decreased dramatically, from about four thousand in to only in Koszyk, Deutsche Presse, Of course, this centralization in Germany resulted not only from commercial trends, but also from political bans on certain peri- odicals.
From to , advertising volume rose by 35 percent in German newspapers and by 47 percent in magazines: Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, , also —, — See also Fr. Quote from no. See Gassert, Amerika im Dritten Reich, 26— Hans Domizlaff, who was born in in Frankfurt am Main and died in Hamburg in , enjoys a broad appeal today. In the waning years of the Weimar Republic, he attempted to merge a reactionary ide- ology with a modernist surface culture.
This was most evident in his recommen- dation to redesign national propaganda—to relaunch the brand Germany even before the Nazis did so with such terrifying consequences. The Brand Domizlaff Although Domizlaff is currently celebrated as a pioneer in his discipline, his repu- tation in his own time, especially in the years prior to World War II, was unre- markable. In the very first compendium of literature on branded products from , his name does not appear once.
Known as a maverick and a loner, he was also a typical autodidact, studying philosophy and art history in Paris, London, and Leipzig, but never completing a degree. After a short intermezzo as a set designer at the Leipzig Theater, he found his way into advertising. His ambitions always ex- ceeded the boundaries of the nascent field of advertising. He considered himself an artist, a philosopher, and a genius, who wound up in the advertising industry by accident. His books were published either by small publishing houses or as private publications or even hand-distributed as manuscripts.
In this manner, he could cultivate a myth that his insights were a kind of secret knowledge available only to a chosen few. Being an outsider in his profession and self-made mass psychologist, he nevertheless possessed a powerful ability to convince executives to implement his ideas. In he met Phillip Reemtsma of the Erfurt-based tobacco company Reemtsma, where, in his first job as a brand technician, he gained practical experience and tested his ideas.
However there is a risk that putting the book in the hands of lay- persons may lead to misunderstandings and false allegations. His true intention was to gain influence over an elite group of political and economic leaders. Psychotechnique and Mass Psychology Before World War I, product design and advertising were the cooperative under- takings of industry and art, with the latter including graphic design and architec- ture.
The programmatic idea of Sachlichkeit objec- tivity stood at the heart of this alliance between art and industry. As Frederic J. As Corey Ross makes clear in his essay in this volume, advertising changed dramatically in the Weimar years due to the adoption of more advanced standards from America, often at the expense of artistic ambitions in product de- sign and advertising. Its practitioners became the first business consultants of the twentieth century and found lucrative employment consulting for German firms intent on moderniz- ing their procedures.
The scientization of advertising, however, was not on his agenda. Rationality is over- ruled in favor of an intuitive perception of the world based on metaphors and analogies. Most metaphors in the text are taken from biology. But masses arise as giant organisms only when crowds are held together by the same idea or focus, similar to ant or bee popula- tions. His somewhat cynical anti- rationalism may have been deduced from Nietzsche, who regarded humans as driven purely by instincts.
Spengler, strongly influenced by Nietzsche himself,. Moreover, Nietzsche might have provided the morphological epistemology, which juxtaposes Gestalt against the rational, hard factual laws of science. Hence, Gestalt is not an additional factor to be detected. Rather the world turns into an arena for Gestalten and their interactions in the twinkling of an eye. Accordingly, mass psychology and individual psychology are based on different principles and have little in common.
Sigmund Freud, for example, referred extensively and, for the most part, positively to Le Bon in his Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego from When it comes to examining larger groups of people, though—and in Markentechnik we only deal with masses—the existence of a Massengehirn is immediately ap- parent. Instead the comparison to animals applies. Animals and masses need to be influenced by means of dressage. The ultimate purpose of the brand idea is to evoke a very special need in the consumer—almost an addic- tion—that can be satisfied only by the matching branded product.
For Domizlaff, the mass is a resonating body, whose vibes need to be met by the mass psychologist. While Domizlaff sees his view of mass psychology as unquestionable, he fails to explain why those principles, analyzed by Le Bon during actual mob gather- ings, should also apply to the virtual mass of consumers, the target group of mass-produced brand-name items. Yet Domizlaff holds to the mass psychological foundation with a stubbornness that has important implications for his Markentechnik, both theoretically and, to a limited extent, for his very own practice as a brand manager.
Accordingly, he completely ignored the techniques adopted during the mids, largely by branches of U. But even in the exceptional case that two groups can be separated, with one mainly consisting of those with higher education and the other made up of workers, practical experience shows no relevant deviation in their mass psychological features. And like anything else, the brand is subject to biological conditions and the laws of nature. This explains the autonomous life of brands, which can grow on their own strength, regardless of the critical reasoning of individuals, as if they were living creatures themselves.
From Cigarettenfabriken H. Reemtsma, eds. The cigarette R6, created by Domizlaff in within the space of two days and two nights according to him , was given its name simply because it was the sixth brand in the Reemtsma product port- folio. The Gelbe Sorte Yellow Brand simply referred to the color of the packaging. All brand-name typefaces combine discreet arabesque and sans serif majuscules.
In search of their personalities, these brands are characterized by their decid- edly impersonal images. In comparison to competing cigarette brands during the Weimar period, this contradiction is glaring. In these early days of branding, most cigarette brands were carriers of secondary meanings, which often found their origins in the sphere of culture. Cigarette brands like Dada, Simplizissimus, and Logik, all introduced around , took their cues from the current trends in art, literature, and philosophy. They are neither male nor female, neither young nor. But this is exactly what Domizlaff had in mind when talking about natural brand building.
They are soulless creatures, mechanistic money-machines, which laboriously pay dividends but show no rhythm in development or stability in times of crises. The seemingly modern concept of Markentechnik conceals a deeply nostal- gic core at which lies a profound mistrust of Western liberalism and individual- ism.
It resembles more closely the well-organized world of heraldic signs and symbols than modern concepts of branding and advertising. Thus, Markentechnik is, like any war strategy, a Geheimwissenschaft secret science. In contrast, his understanding of Markentechnik is tailored to suit the reputation of the honorable salesman, who does not need to force his goods upon the customer. Markentechnik covers everything from product innovations to packaging design, according to Domizlaff, but first a brand must prove itself viable on its own. But given the sometimes excessive advertising of the s, it actually is almost progressive.
And it should not be forgotten that this style arises from mass psychological strategies. In small town life and perfect villages, Domizlaff finds the ideal escape. When he comes to smaller towns he tends to misinterpret the decent manner of local merchants as a sign of weakness. This style, however, is by no means provincial or out-dated, but honorable and convincing. Domizlaff saw. During the s and s, Carl Hundhausen studied American methods of public relations on location. Only ex- perts recognize that the German mentality provides very different conditions for advertising campaigns than the American mentality.
But for Germany the overwhelming importance of brands compared to adver- tising will probably prevail forever. This classic topos of German intellectual development was especially prevalent during the Weimar period. It is clear that Hans Domizlaff is not representative of his profession in the Weimar era. Yet he is representative of distinct intellectual currents in the Weimar. First, there is the contempt for the masses, manifested in mass psychology. This attitude found its way into the thinking of moderate intellectuals, yet it remained of special interest to conservative intellectuals.
Their loudly voiced disdain for the masses served to discredit democracy, and therefore the form of government and the republic itself. Second, the pervasive references to the organic, suggesting an organically organized state, fit perfectly into this context.
The conservative revolution was a roman- tic utopian project that participated in the political sphere only insofar as the National Socialists borrowed some of their rhetoric. Branding Germany The Markentechnik concept was never restricted exclusively to branded prod- ucts.
If a brand possesses the potential to turn into a character, then, conversely,. In business vocabulary this is called creating brand value. He suggests a complete relaunching of the brand Germany, including a consistent corporate design based on the ideas of mass psychology.
The origin of this proposal was the so-called Flaggenstreit flag debate in the Weimar Republic and the contested uses of symbols in the young republic. The Weimar constitution designated the little- known colors of the Paulskirche, black-red-gold, as the official tricolor of. The official flag was associated with governmental parties, especially the Social Democrats. The conservatives held on to the colors of the Wilhelmine era, while the Communists preferred revolutionary red.
There is only one solution: The German Reichswappen a black eagle on a golden or yellow field , which is partly still used today, must become the one and only tradition-bearing flag—one that can bring. The editor announced a new direction in publish- ing policy with the goal of covering the interactions of politics, economy, and advertising more broadly in the future. Its aim would. President Paul von Hindenburg.
From Die Reklame, January We hope and wish with confidence that he will remain so for a long time. Ad- vertising humanity has found its most noble and natural incarnation. Less than two years later Hindenburg was dead, and a mighty censor in no need of counseling controlled all matters of propaganda, as well as the entire advertising industry. It would have been a misjudgment on the part of Hitler to neglect his natural talent and his extraordinary understanding of the mass psychological necessity for a new method of propaganda.
Though ignored by the regime, Domizlaff continued to write in seclusion. After the war, his branding ideas eventually took hold in a setting Domizlaff himself would never have predicted: in the vibrant consumerist democracy of West Ger- many. Meyer, Begegnungen mit Hans Domizlaff, Hansen and Bode, Marketing und Konsum, 3. Berlin: Dt. Betriebswirte- Verlag, Leitherer, Geschichte der Handels- und Absatzwirtschaftlichen Literatur.
Schmiedchen, Kurzer Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Wirtschaftswerbung, 38— Gries et al. Domizlaff, Brevier, xxi. See, for example, Brandmeyer, Achtung Marke! Schwartz, The Werkbund, 8. See Reinhardt, Von der Reklame zum Marketing, Ward, Weimar Surfaces, 96— Le Bon, Psychologie, 9. Freud, Massenpsychologie und Ich-Analyse, This critique of the industry was reflected in the title of his first book on the subject: Domizlaff, Typische Denkfehler der Reklamekritik.
Domizlaff, Gewinnung, Le Bon, Psychologie, Domizlaff, Brevier, Reinhardt, Reklame, Reinhardt, Reklame, 46— Domizlaff, Gewinnung, 59, 58, Domizlaff, Gewinnung, 28, 38— Domizlaff, Denkfehler, 63, Fischer, , Ward, Weimar, 2. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik, , Westphal, Werbung im Dritten Reich, Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken, — Herf, Reactionary Modernism, 1. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches Denken, His ambitions were even supported for a time by publisher Hermann Ullstein.
Lustvolle Verfhrung (German Edition) - AbeBooks - Patricia Kay Parker:
Friedel, Deutsche Staatssymbole, Domizlaff, Propagandamittel, Friedel, Staatssymbole, Die Reklame, January , 1. Deichsel, Gestalt, Hachmeister and Kloft, Goebbels-Experiment, 7. In the work that gained him the Nobel Prize for Literature, Canetti argued that, for Germans, there was one symbol that more than any other represented that con- nection: the forest. Yet the army was more than just the army: it was the marching forest. The parallel arrangement and rigidity of the upright trees, their closeness and quantity fill the heart of the German with a deep and mysterious delight.
To this day he loves to go into the forest where his forefathers lived, where he feels at one with the trees. Why the forest? For anyone not immersed in the canon of German cultural and intellectual production, this may appear an odd choice. By contrast, I argue that the forest has in fact often formed an important element of German political discourse. In the first case study, I demonstrate how advertising in forestry journals illustrated Nazi propaganda by visualizing the forest as an analogy of the Ger- man Volksgemeinschaft.
The Reichskulturkammer comprised seven chambers for the various cul- tural professions, and only accredited members of the chambers were permitted to work in their respective professions. Moreover, individuals who were denied membership or were expelled because of their Jewish faith or oppositional views were criminalized, as their expulsion was entered into their police record. Meanwhile, Nazi cover firms were clandestinely buying up many newspapers and publishing houses, while others were simply merged, expropriated, or shut down by decree.
In a similar fashion, other media sectors, such as broadcasting and film, were brought under direct control of the Nazis within a few months of their taking power. It fell within the purview of the Werberat to grant or deny advertising practitioners the all-important official accreditation and thus control who was able to work in advertising in Germany. Likewise, the Werberat collected the Werbeabgabe, a mandatory 2 percent levy on all printed advertisements that was used to cross-finance state propaganda.
The German advertising industry initially welcomed the interventions because it hoped that the new state control would bring higher standards and an increased degree of professionalism to the. For example, in the Werberat pro- hibited the display of posters of any sort in shop windows, but within days the German Football League had successfully undermined this directive by arguing that the ban did not extend to advertising for sporting events.
In a similar fashion, other interest groups were at times able to ignore or bend regulations issued by the Werberat. These journals shared a number of characteristics, most of which relate to their multiple functions, frequent publishing schedule, and dual readership profile. Hence, we may safely regard their content as state-sanctioned.
In addition, in the numer- ous cases where editorials elaborated on political rather than professional issues, we may also consider them vehicles of official propaganda. Furthermore, these journals traditionally also served as paraofficial law gazettes for the forest admin- istration and trade publications for the lumber trade. As such, they enjoyed the widest possible circulation among the forestry sector. To properly reflect fluid market conditions, they appeared weekly or semiweekly, which enabled them to respond swiftly to current affairs both within and outside the forestry sector.
Next, they provided an important platform for exchange among academically trained foresters who were dispersed across Germany and thus spatially iso- lated from their discursive community. Hence, in addition to technical articles, they also carried articles of general interest and political commentary. This dual readership of male professionals and female homemakers allows for a parallel analysis of multiple advertising dis- courses. In short, ordinary citizens were to see themselves as uniform members of the rank and file the serving understory layers , while the party brought forth the leaders or dominant canopy.
Egalitarianism is not the way of nature. The strong oak tree does not refuse to form a community of life [Lebensgemeinschaft] with the simple herbs. Strong and weak belong together, each supports the other, and all subordinate themselves to the common good. That is also the way it should be in a true Volksgemeinschaft, which is a dream no longer but has now become reality. The people is [sic] also a living community, a great, organic, eternal body whose members are the individual citizens. Only by the complete subjection of the individual to the service of the whole can the perpetuity of the community be assured.
Eternal forest and eternal nation are ideas that are indissolubly linked. Advertisements visually complemented these propaganda texts and so re- inforced their message. Although the adver- tised product was saplings, young stands appeared only occasionally, and then as mere silhouettes looming in the background. Instead, the advertisements were dominated by mature trees in the foreground that were drawn in considerable detail. Yet, while this detail clearly identified the species to which the trees be- longed mostly pine , it did not allow for distinguishing one individual from an- other, as they were almost identical in size and shape.
Moreover, they were in- variably rendered in symmetrically spaced clusters. The result of this particular combination of perspective, level of detail, and uniformity was that the trees had a collective rather than individual presence. This impression was reinforced through the repetition of stereotypical characteristics: perfectly straight, tall, and healthy dominant trees standing in a symmetric spatial arrangement. In fact, in a propaganda film, Ewiger Wald Eternal Forest , the interchangeability of trees and soldiers was made glaringly obvious when the director used the new technique of fading to dissolve images of one into the other.
Fuchs raised. To do this, some advertisements did not de- pict forests at all but showed the antithesis of German forestry: heath that bore neither field nor forest. Dotting the so-called unproductive lands were a handful of birches and junipers, species that foresters considered unproductive at best and noxious at worst. Once again we see the now familiar clusters of perfectly shaped dominant trees with their attendant serving trees, juxtaposed with remnants of the heath for better contrast see Figure 1.
The Modernist. By contrast, the lumberjacks felling those Modernist forests are wearing traditional garb and using none of the mechanized technology that was sweeping German forestry in the s, such as the chainsaw and motorized skidding equipment. This contrast is all the more surprising as one would normally expect natural elements such as the for- est to be associated with the Romantic perspective and cultural elements such as workers and their implements with the Modernist perspective, as in the case of an advertisement for Stihl chainsaws, for example, which appeared in the same journal.
Such an inter-. It is worth remembering, however, that contemporaries would have been surrounded by similar messages in virtually every domain of their everyday lives, whether in education, entertainment, or, as in this case, ad- vertising. Moreover, the use of the forest as an analogy of the Volk had a long- standing tradition, making such interpretations of the forest as inherently Ger- man almost a matter of common sense. When Germans thought of the forest, they thought of it as the German forest, with all of its attributes, such as order, uniformity, and strength, transferring to the nation.
Ultimately, the Nazis could and did use the forest as a symbol for the German Volksgemeinschaft precisely because it had been firmly established as a symbol of Germany and Germanness for more than a century. All they had to do was extend the suggestive trajectory from forest to German and further to Volksgemeinschaft.
How prevalent was this association, and how much effort was required to remind readers of it? For an answer we may turn to such a mundane publication as a school textbook on biology. Was it in- tentional, tolerated, or accidental? While it is difficult to say with any certainty exactly how individual advertisers made day-to-day decisions under tight regu- latory restrictions, we can see the conceptual environment in which advertisers operated by looking at some of the theoretical writings that informed the Ger- man advertising industry in the s.
As Corey Ross shows in his essay in this volume, the s represented a tumultuous time for German advertising theo- rists and professionals. One reason for this challenge was the politicization of German society during the Weimar Repub- lic, when politics spilled into every aspect of life. In the field of advertising, this is mirrored in the permeability between the theories of advertising and propa- ganda in the works of Hans Domizlaff.
For the allegorical king to win and retain the role of leader, he had to move the public to place the same trust in his acts and symbols as they would in a successful brand product. Within months of the Nazi takeover of the German government, we thus find a situation where the control over both official propaganda and commercial advertising was increasingly bundled in the hands of a few individuals and insti- tutions. With such per- sonal overlap between commerce and officialdom, it is hardly surprising to find a corresponding blurring of the line between advertisement and propaganda.
This raises the question of whether we can find a similar conflation of propa- ganda and advertising once we move beyond the tightly organized audience of professional foresters and into the context of less specific advertising discourses. To test this assumption, the next section examines advertisements that were di- rected at a more general audience and that appeared alongside the professional advertisements in the forestry journals. These advertisements were directed both at foresters in their capacity as plain citizens, and at the general readership that was liable to pick up and peruse the weekly publications in the Forsthaus.
These more general advertisements were more explicit in their message and openly combined propaganda and advertising. Advertisements could be used to admon- ish the newly minted Volksgenossen to act in appropriate ways. Many dealt with questions of a more general nature. What was the correct attitude of Volksgenossen toward their work and coworkers? What constituted proper behavior on the job and in social situations?
What was an appropriate form of leisure consumption, and when was an acceptable time for it? Three different advertising campaigns launched by tobacco companies between the years and illustrate how these questions were posed and simultaneously answered. The nature of the advertised product suggests that these advertisements were placed in the forestry journals not to enrich the pro- fessional discourse of foresters, but to reach the reader as a private individual faced with the task of negotiating the new everyday realities of a National So-.
Accordingly, such advertisements gave the reader more or less subtle hints how to act and consume in a wartime economy without running afoul of the new standards of Nazi propriety. A series of advertisements placed by the Bergmann tobacco company dur- ing the years and are particularly illustrative. Each advertisement sug- gested that readers had a choice between emphasizing Form or Inhalt content in their own private and work lives. In their artwork, the advertisements ridiculed those who dressed fashionably and behaved in a seemingly affected manner, sug- gesting that they chose form over content and, by extension, superficiality over deep values.
Tellingly, this tripolar divi- sion also suggests that women were seen as unlikely to fall into either of the first two categories. Yet the advertisements also contained less than subtle political messages, for example, the suggestion that those who chose form over content were out of step with the spirit of the times and thus could face trouble at the workplace. Conversely, those who chose content over form were represented as possessing a positive attitude and work ethic, which ultimately enabled them to perform their work in a way that was in the best interest of the Volksgemeinschaft.
In the context of a German economy that was preparing for war, such advice was intended to bind individuals together and to forestall or suppress any grumblings by labeling them as greedy or unpatriotic bellyachers who vio- lated the common good. In the early years of the war, the Hanewacker company advertised its chewing tobacco as an alternative to smoking in workplaces where open flames were prohibited. One hint could be found in an accompanying image of a forest clearing with silhouettes of deer, which suggested that smoking. In another advertisement that ran several weeks later, however, this explanation is not applicable.
Here, the image of a sowing farmer in the foreground and a team of horses plowing in the background is set against a rising sun. Just think of your work, the cinema or the theater! How fortunate are those who turn to Hanewacker in such situations! The first is the obvi- ous textual one that smoking is restricted in some public entertainment places. The second is contained in the artwork showing archetypal German farmers working the land. While the traditional farmer might be imagined as smoking a pipe, the Romanticizing image of the peasant who is rooted in the soil is clearly at odds with the idea of cigarette smoking, a habit that was associated with urban dwellers and intellectualism.
As such, foresters had a role model function to fulfill, and the advertisements reminded them of the heightened responsibility they bore within the Volk. A third series of tobacco advertisements appeared in four consecutive issues of the Deutsche Forst-Zeitung in Commissioned by the Palm cigar company, these advertisements clearly showed the effects of the wartime shortages on ad- vertising.
Instead of trying to sell more cigars, they actually gave advice on how to ration them. In all of these tobacco advertisements, consumers were given clear indications of what they should and should not be doing. Of course, this message was not limited to tobacco advertisements, but could be found in connection with other products as well. Adhesive bandages, for example, served as a foil for raising the issue of absenteeism.
The final examples of advertisements, however, illustrate that over the years of the Third Reich the political message became more candid and the tone increasingly urgent. This shift in tone is expressed most poignantly in the advertisements that forestry journals ran for themselves, in their own at- tempts at increasing their circulation. You must at all times be informed about the economic, political, and cultural aspects of life so as to have a clear idea of all the measures and instructions you are required to initi- ate.
Your professional journal is a valuable help and advisor that is indispens- able every hour of every day. Parallel to these exhortations directed at the professional, the advertisements directed at the female homemaker showed a similar increase in urgency. Every homemaker, and every rural homemaker in particular, must join in this great task. Avoiding mistakes in every task in house, farm, and garden helps foster the wealth of the nation. The advertisement demon- strated that the control of the state had reached even into the smallest aspects of everyday life. At no time could the reader be in doubt of what was demanded of him or her.
These advertisements, if one can still use that term, jettisoned any allusions to the desires and dreams of the consumer; instead, they badgered the reader with politically motivated advice on how to make the most of the situation and the. Even more than their earlier counter- parts, they served to complement the official state propaganda in delineating the safe boundaries of public discourse and behavior for the Volksgenossen.
In a some- what less heavy-handed manner, these advertisements thus performed one of the functions of propaganda: to inform the citizenry of the expectations of the state—and the consequences of not meeting those expectations. Conclusion In a dictatorial regime such as the Nazi state, we should not be surprised to find a blurring of the line between political propaganda and commercial advertising.
The parallel analysis of propaganda and advertising directed at two distinct audi- ences of German forestry journals demonstrates how subtle yet extensive the overlap between those two discourses could be. I have argued that this overlap was brought about intentionally by the National Socialists so that advertisements could in fact perform the function of propaganda or at least supplement it. The juxtaposition of advertisements with editorials and articles makes clear how this was achieved by drawing on the established analogy between forest and Volk so that one could serve as code for the other.
This analogy worked because, after more than a century of literary, artistic, and musical romanticization of the for- est as German, the public was very familiar with the connotations of the forest as the symbol of Germany and Germanness. All they needed to do to mobilize this analogy for their purposes was to extend that symbolism from Volk to Volksgemeinschaft and use the forest to provide visualizations for those concepts. We also have seen that even seemingly innocuous advertisements for forest saplings could carry an implicit political and even racist message that was visible to the reader only if he or she was steeped in the contemporary discourse.
For twenty-first-century observers of the Nazi period or any other historical period, for that matter , it is thus of paramount importance to deconstruct the advertis- ing within the contemporary context so as to identify its hidden messages. As we have seen, this can take a considerable effort. If we truly hope to understand the workings of the Nazi regime, however, this effort is indispensable. Canetti, Crowds and Power, , , On propaganda, see, e.
On the Werberat, see, e. Frei, National Socialist Rule in Germany, 64— Beck Leipzig: Volkshochschulverlag, Walther Schoenichen Munich: Georg D. Callwey, , Canetti, The Crowd in History, — Der Deutsche Forstwirt 18, no. Juni bis Domizlaff, Propagandamittel der Staatsidee. Cited in Westphal, Werbung im Dritten Reich, ; emphasis added. Deutsche Forstbeamtenzeitung 8, no. Deutsche Forst-Zeitung 11, no. Der Deutsche Forstwirt 22, nos.
Deutsche Forst-Zeitung 10, no. Der Deutsche Forstwirt 16, no. Der Deutsche Forstwirt 17, no. Der Deutsche Forstwirt 19, no. Der Deutsche Forstwirt 24, nos. On the other, it borrowed freely from international fashions, unable to escape their allure. Nevertheless, Nazism also sought the unreserved commitment of its population, which it believed was crucial to eliminating the social divisions that imperiled its imperial ambitions. As arguably the most popular Nazi social program, one that explicitly promoted the racial community through programs ranging from mass tourism to bettering the work environment, KdF muted the contradictions inherent in the Nazi dilemma.
Deploying subsidies from the Labor Front and the purchasing power of its potentially vast clientele, whom it encouraged to save toward the purchase of its offerings, KdF negotiated blocks of inexpensive tickets to cultural events and sites such as operas, concerts, the the- ater, and museums. At several points the narrative suggests that the violent state of human affairs may reflect violence inherent in nature. This idea appears in a typically laconic exchange between Leon and Martina.
She does not anthropomorphise, but evokes nature without projecting meaning or ethical concepts upon it. Another more unsettling example of the anthropomorphisation of nature is the depiction of the nature programme about giant lizards that Harry and Leon watch on TV. The two seem linked; the underbelly of the city appears as having reverted to an older, more natural state, the human reverting to supposedly natural dog-eat-dog behaviour, which civilisation attempts but fails to tame.
Regenroman thus implies that society valorises violence as natural and as an excuse for not having to think critically about human behaviour. Thus people are brought to experience nature as having intrinsic meaning — as prefiguring social phenomena. This process of re-enchantment covers over the effects of human reason and control and contradicts the original goal of the demythologising process of the Enlightenment, which was to disenchant nature.
Regenroman conveys a mixture of disenchanted and re-enchanted nature: the weather forecasts that precede every chapter allude to the desire to predict and control nature, but the sense of superiority over nature is undermined by the content of the chapters. If the weather forecasts suggest a disenchanted nature ordered through science and no longer through mythology or religion, other aspects of the text, such as the references to the biblical Great Flood, allude to residual enchanted views of nature.
Given the centrality of Leon and his gradual demise, the focus is not, however, on modernity or society, but masculinity. Leon is differentiated from the criminal Pfitzner and Harry. However, his behaviour towards women, the moor and bodies implicates him and his sex in the whole spectrum of violence. Moreover, his admiration of macho values combined with his cowardice, his patronising attitude towards Martina and the local people in Prieznitz, and his failure to defend Martina all cause him to appear in a negative light.
This reveals an extreme objectifying attitude of mastery over the body, nature and death. Aber was konnte man schon mit einer Landschaft anfangen. In an early episode he loses his way in the moor and falls into the quickmud. The first of many falls symbolising his gradual demise, it is described as a terrifying, near-death experience.
He is submerged in mud and is able to pull himself free only at the last minute. This experience does not lead to a new awareness of the power of nature. Chapter 4 features the battle with the slugs and what disturbs him most is the constant procreation: the sight of a slug filled with eggs fills him with disgust, suggesting an underlying fear of birth and of nature as the source of its own generation which is not subject to human control.
His inability to control the slugs leads him to conclude that nature is fundamentally antagonistic towards the human world. Leon thus has a dual view of nature — as something to be longed for but also a cruel force which undermines all his striving. Subsequent descriptions reinforce her connection to nature and the maternal, but also to death. Hers is an extremely fat, fleshy body, she has intimate knowledge of the mud and the moor, her bed is made out of a tree, and she eats slugs. Childhood desires are also evoked in the description of climax which is likened to falling off a fairground ride.
Es war so … — so weich. So viel. R In the sexual encounter with Isadora Leon experiences a dissolving of self as he imagines mingling with the shitting, procreating animals and with nature as a whole through the suggestion that he feels part of the whole water cycle.
But fear and disgust are evoked at the same time as pleasure. The whole experience is linked to a loss of a boundary between self and other, where the male ego is positioned as self, and the earth-woman as other. This produces in Leon not an acceptance of the body and nature, but violent rejection. Isadora war besonders schlimm, aber eigentlich waren alle Frauen so, jedenfalls nicht viel besser, nicht einmal Martina.
R Duve evokes here the classic horror of castration in this description of female genitalia. He is unable to move, make love, or work; images of his physical decline suggest that he is turning into a slug. He is 52 Teresa Ludden now pitted against his body as a new kind of enemy. This rejection of the corporeal is stressed in a further sexual encounter with Isadora, while he is lying semi-paralysed on the floor. Here he thinks there is a radical separation between himself and his penis.
Several experiences lead ineluctably towards death. Leon gets lost in the drowned wood wearing only a dressing gown. Like the forest in fairytales, the wood is a symbol for the unknown, the uncanny, and a loss of self. Instead he meets his death in the marshy moor. Violence is down-played as the experience contains elements of pleasure, alluding perhaps to a death-drive; giving in to the desire to fill himself with mud and nothingness appears as a final, Schopenhauerian, release.
Wie gut es war, Moder unter Moder zu sein. The life-giving properties of nature lose out to the perspective that links nature to death. Thus Leon does not find unity or Being; instead there is a simple loss of consciousness. Duve has stated that, while there is no hope for the male sex in Regenroman, there are signs of change on the female side. Martina, we are led to believe, has by the end attained some self-knowledge. But the other side of her bulimia is an extreme selfishness. Her vomiting is linked to an obsessive desire to control her body. In the final chapter she returns home and sets fire to the secondhand car which was the scene of her first disgrace.
Her father had caught her with a boy in the back seat when she was a teenager and it has remained in situ outside the house ever since. The car going up in flames might be meant to symbolise a new beginning for Martina, but the gesture is unconvincing and superficial, reminiscent of the solutions offered by the self-help books that Martina is depicted reading throughout the text. And so Regenroman itself appears trapped in a cycle of repetition: compulsively drawn to representing violence, it diagnoses dominant cultural relations yet repeats the problems associated with that culture. In particular, the repeated association of the female, the feminine and the maternal with nature conceived as inimical and death-like is problematic.
The becoming visible of death and the female body functions as a warning sign that all is not well; the repressed elements in culture are returning to the surface. The trope of the female corpse has come to stand in literature for the otherness which masculinity must reject in order to maintain stability. Femininity and death are brought together in the figure.
Consideration of humour and elements of pastiche might produce a different reading. Fischer Verlag: Frankfurt am Main, , pp. For a Peaceful Revolution, trans. Sketch of a Possible Felicity in History, trans. Death, femininity and the aesthetic, Manchester University Press: Manchester, , p. This page intentionally left blank Elizabeth Boa Lust or Disgust? Comic travesty of myth is a key weapon in conveying a feminist-inflected green agenda. A decisive intervention by a woman author in the history of male-authored representations of dead female bodies and of violence upon women, Regenroman also offers a provocative reflection upon the pleasure in violence pervading contemporary popular culture.
Halb zog sie ihn, halb sank er hin, 1 Und ward nicht mehr gesehn. Goethe was writing in , the meeting point of late Enlightenment and early Romantic stirrings. At such a moment, the water world perhaps symbolises the enchanted realm of poesy in contrast to dry rationalism. It is a metaphor for poetic metaphor which reflects yet transforms the real world and uncovers hidden truths and unacknowledged desires below the prosaic surface.
The poem contains the metaphoric other world within a regular metric order, however, and frames the uncanny encounter within folk tradition. Regenroman too draws us into a metaphorical other world, like the real world, but a bit off the edge and down the muddy track to somewhere else. But at the end of Regenroman, squelchy mud penetrates bodily orifices, glugging down into throat and lungs. Three main techniques feed into the heightened realism which makes Regenroman so intriguing: extended metaphor intertwines with precise detail of contemporary life, while, conversely, metaphoric motifs, slugs for instance, are rendered with naturalistic precision; the ostensibly impersonal narration is full of perspectival shifts so that we see the world at one point or another through the eyes of most of the characters including the dog Noah; mood and mode shift ambiguously between the comic and the horrific, the parodic and the straight, between realism and traces of the fantastic, of fairy tales, of myth, or of comic-book violence.
This kaleidoscopic perceptual field is disorientating, but enlivening, for the blurring of boundaries between the literal and the metaphoric and between literary moods and modes contributes to the import of Regenroman as an intervention in contemporary cultural politics, especially in the fields of gender and aesthetics. These locations have a retro flavour: they reprise the contrast between the city and the countryside in Heimat literature around , but with a contemporary twist in that the city is west German whereas the countryside is east German.
Hans survives the snow, though he may later drown in the mud of the trenches, but Leon gets definitively lost in the east German mud. The Lust or disgust? The hero who strays too far out is often an intellectual, who hopes through contact with nature to stimulate his creative gifts. But nature can crush instead of inspiring and the landscapes generally bear human traces. The comic-sinister motifs prompt reflection upon what sort of civilisation is leaving its ugly traces in the east German landscape and draw attention self-reflexively to the aesthetics of a novel by a writer who may, like the choleric artist, be angry about something.
Inside the story, the would-be writer is Leon. Leon wants to return to nature, which you can do more easily in the east where property is cheap, while parading a Mercedes, an emblematic symbol of western capitalism. The representation of locations in Regenroman thus bundles together environmentalist critique with wry sideways swipes at west German postWende arrogance and east German lust for consumer goods. Two borders are crumbling in this dreary scenario: the rubbish-strewn countryside is turning into a dumping ground no longer distinct from the city; the once iron curtain dividing different world views has vanished.
Such juxtaposition of disappearing environmental and vanished political borders obliquely conveys the longing for an alternative to the seemingly inexorable advance of environmental depredation, and while Regenroman does not mourn the passing of state socialism, the canine dramatis personae associated with East and West respectively Noah v. Rocky suggest sympathy for Ossi underdogs over Wessi triumphalism. Leon is a hero engaged in a miniature repeat of the great project to conquer nature, draining his land, drying out his house, 60 Elizabeth Boa protecting his woman.
Noah, a carpenter and builder, is a culture hero in the mould of homo faber. Underlying their political differences, socialism did share with the liberal ideology of capitalism a common purpose: the scientific understanding and technological exploitation of nature to human ends. Marx and Engels envisaged a utopia of hunting in the morning, fishing in the afternoon, farming in the evening and writing criticism after dinner.
The historical subject of the Marxist grand narrative is male. Promethean Woman displaces failed male technics. All this is a comic appropriation of historical agency for women in the manner of a cartoon. Regenroman thus offers a twist to post-Enlightenment cultural criticism of Western Civilisation. The episode conveys the repression upon which Western Civilisation is supposedly built and warns of the return of the repressed in the guise of irrational myth. In Regenroman myth returns with a vengeance when the hero falls victim to a female monster who like the Sirens is still half sunk in the watery element.
It revalues slimy things that creep upon the earth and regenders key players or awards victory to the female: Promethean Woman triumphs; Siren outwits Odysseus. Even Noah, human master over the animals, is replaced by a dog who comes across as the most sensible character in the novel. Bodily Topographies Regenroman not surprisingly follows a critical programme rather different from that of Horkheimer and Adorno in the s. It is a Lust or disgust? The house and garden provide a small-scale model of the borderland arena of struggle between man and nature conveying, if not a programmatic assertion of animal rights, then at the least a plea for change in the prevailing relations between human beings and other animals.
The novel also promotes an aesthetic shift from predominant notions of clear-cut elemental distinctions and proper body shapes in an intervention in cultural politics which may not be wholly successful for all readers especially if they are gardeners. If Noah defends Martina, though he also has the sense to surrender or flee when necessary, the most heroic figures in the novel are the slugs who resist the human coloniser and suffer a terrible massacre, yet keep returning to claim their right to life and a habitat.
The slugs, slimily wettish creatures in alliance with the ground water which creeps up the walls, transgress the division between liquid and solid. Slugs commonly induce disgust because of their soft, squelchy dampness, but when, out of their element in a motorway lay-by, they are squashed into a spurting mash by the wheels of a lorry, pity mixes with horror and laughter. Rather than looking away with a shudder from the slimily animalesque, we are forced to see and admit the difference but also the secret likeness to our own slimier surfaces. The slugs thus serve a double function.
Literally, they may extend human sympathy with animals beyond noble hairy beasts such as dogs or horses; metaphorically they belong in a motivic field concerned with the elements, with primitive sensations of touch, and with bodily boundaries between inside and outside, which challenges dominant aesthetic norms concerning body shape and sexual difference. Belonging slimily between dryness and wetness, slugs blur a seemingly elemental distinction, as do the mucous membranes lining the 62 Elizabeth Boa passages into and out of the body, which are ambiguously neither clearly inside nor outside.
When Isadora swallows a slug, as one might slurp down an oyster, she provides another example of contact with the disgusting which is liable to induce horrified laughter. Note too, swallowing one slug signals a quite different relation to the creature than a mass slaughter. Yet bodily border-crossings through slimy passageways, whether by gases, fluids or more solid items enveloped in mucous, are essential to life: exiting the womb; breathing; eating, drinking and expelling body waste; copulating.
From antiquity on, however, gender ideology has tended to allocate dampness unequally between the sexes in a discourse of bodily difference. Lust threatens the simple oppositions, however, inducing uncontrollable tumescence, then satiety and detumescence. Leon feels post-coital disgust of the sticky, clammy, smelly female body yet it is his fluids that most make moist.
This is what Isadora teaches him in a striking lesson in erotics. But Leon fails to remember the magical best climax of his life. The meanings attributed to sexual difference, it is implied, generate a comingling of lust and disgust which is largely impervious to rational argument. A proper man should be a technologist of sex who retains control over the body he skilfully works upon as well as over his own body as implement.
Disgust masks lust incompatible with proper muscular manhood: Leon offers a dire case study of masculinity in Lust or disgust? Horror of the female body is not limited to men, however. Secretly bulimic Martina is beautiful by the standards of contemporary body culture. To achieve her slim beauty and punish any incipient over-swelling, Martina eats then purges herself; like a plumber cleaning out a blocked pipe, she uses her finger as a tool to induce a flow in bursts of saliva and vomit.
A gruesome metaphoric equivalence links the gobbets of stuff and brownish liquid Martina convulsively sicks up with the balls of waste and rusty water gurgling out of the plumbing. Like car maintenance or clearing drains, the normative aesthetics of female beauty require a technology of beauty maintenance which divides the smooth visible surface of the body from its innards and taboos bodily functions which our culture renders even more shamefully secret for women than for men.
The shameful secrets of the body which conventional aesthetics mask leak out most disgustingly in death. For a dead woman can inspire without distracting interruptions as no live person can. Drowned Ophelia is such a recurrent motif in post-Romantic painting and poetry. That Leon, a male writer who at the beginning of the novel displayed an obscene curiosity about a female Wasserleiche, should at the end become a Schlammleiche marks a decisive intervention by a woman author in the long history of male-authored representations of dead female bodies.
Representing Violence A primary borderland between self and other is the surface of the body. A dead body is helplessly open to curious probing whereas a live person generally is not, unless by mutual agreement or through violence. Poking a corpse with a stick to see how easily the skin tears is not the same as knifing or raping someone. But as the memorable first episode of Regenroman signals, Leon stands on a line which leads in the direction of readiness to do violence against the bodily integrity of another. Leon refuses to think of the corpse as the mortal remains of a person, but is moved by a mix of impersonal scientific curiosity and perverse pleasure, like a schoolboy doing a lab experiment on a female human body rather than just a frog.
Without simply equating them, the episode subliminally associates scientific curiosity, lust and violence. Drawing on the tradition of post-Enlightenment critique of the violent potential within technological and scientific culture, these suggested affinities also signal a critical exploration of pleasure in violence as a pervasive aspect of contemporary popular culture.
Quasi-scientific discourse first appears with the weather forecasts. The authoritative tone and specialist jargon suggest scientific objectivity, but from the start science is overlaid with the pathetic fallacy. The increasingly awful forecasts are funny, sinister and prophetic. The prospect of catastrophe provides a real page-turning impetus. Like the Lust or disgust? Of course the men are not watching the real thing but a representation.
Yet television animal programmes deploy the medium of film — the deer really did get torn apart. Regenroman does not directly address the contentious issue as to whether representation of violence for entertainment and the prevalence of violent crime are causally linked. Rather it draws the complicit reader through a sequence of blackly comic representations pushed to a point, however, where pleasure may falter.
For some moments of violence threaten to break through the controlling metaphors and conventions, provoking shock, in some readers perhaps rejection, but judging by the reviews, prompting many readers to at least reflect upon the nature of the violence and the manner of its representation. The comic travesty of myth already commented on goes along with pointed deviations from the standard plotting of popular fiction: the female victim finds allies and fights back; personal revenge is not punished in turn to signal a restoration of order; the prime suspect is not guilty and the murder mystery is not solved; the ending is not happily reassuring; and so on.
Feminists have long argued that representations of women as victims of male violence reinforce the powerful effects of gender stereotypes in shaping differing behavioural propensities in men and women, if not directly causing specific actions. But the women fight back. The violence is not gratuitous, it is about women attempting to wrest back a form of control. But it is tied into the text as a whole through metaphors which link up with earlier motifs. How, or whether, such textual integration of the rape and the subsequent revenge by blowtorch 66 Elizabeth Boa works to render the representation of violence acceptable is crucial in evaluating Regenroman as an intervention in cultural politics.
Regenroman is a good read yet it provocatively challenges readerly pleasure in fictional violence which the popular genres cater to. Representations of violence in fiction aimed at a wide reading public must steer between Scylla and Charybdis if they are to keep an ethically minded yet pleasure-seeking readership on board. But too sanitised or too aestheticised a representation may be judged to trivialise or to glorify violence. Popular work treading such a tightrope will always be controversial, since different readers have different thresholds at which pleasure gives way to distress, rejection or critical reflection.
It is not violence as such, but the disgustingly graphic details of vaginal and anal rape and enforced fellatio which make Regenroman provocative as an intervention in a contested cultural field and so liable to divide readers. Kant does not explain further this ambiguous double response of lust impulse to consume and disgust impulse to reject. The analysis comes close to the common view that pornography similarly breaks through disinterested contemplation to stimulate sexual arousal. Hence pornography may offer an umbrella category covering representations stimulating either lust or disgust.
Anxiety about pornography, whether arousing lust directly or indirectly via disgust, turns on the fear that just as soft porn may induce arousal followed by sexual activity, so hard porn might, if not induce directly imitative behaviour, then at least weaken inhibition. In considering representations of violence, then, the category of the disgusting becomes problematic. Rather than serving critical ends, it may covertly pander to forbidden desires. In effect, the passage comically deflates any tendency to indulge polymorphously perverse desires and it promotes understanding of animal behaviour, not just deer but even giant lizards, a theme developed in the different reactions of Martina and Leon to the salamander.
Comic deflation is here the key device in representing violence to critical rather than pornographic effect. The episode of the rape, however, moves out of the prevailing comic mode. But it does continue the through-running technological metaphors. The plumbing metaphor is thoroughly de-eroticising. One radical tradition in modernist writing celebrates violent breakthroughs from conventional aesthetic control as the post-Kantian sublime, the hyper-real thing in itself, the ultimate breaking asunder of the repressive order which generates the discontents of civilisation.
Women were marginal, whether as maternal guardians of repressive order or a distraction from male bonding, or else their tabooed bodies served as the field of breakthrough. This is no breakthrough, but just an exercise in power more demeaning to the obedient agent than the hapless victim. During the rape, Martina too feels a saving distance from her body, as if it were a machine, not her essence as a woman. When Harry condescendingly strokes her head, as if she were a dog, and congratulates her on being a truly beautiful woman, Martina does not care whether she is beautiful; this marks a shift from feminine subordination to an internalised, controlling male gaze.
Mirror, mirror on the wall, who is the fairest of us all? Martina no longer cares. Normally nymphs flee the pursuit of the god Pan or his goaty minions. Leon ends up as an overweight nymph in flight who falls victim to the female deity of the marshland. Both are alienated conditions. The cross-overs do, however, subvert the imaginary power of age-old misogyny and the polarised meanings attributed to sexual difference under which men and women both suffer. Whether the readership divides along gender lines in finding different bits of Regenroman unassimilable — rape, blowtorching, drowning in mud — would be an interesting question.
The effects of texts depend heavily on the contexts different readers bring to bear; animal rights activists might find the bludgeoning, then drowning of Rocky hardest to take. The gendered reading proposed here suggests that Regenroman cools down or comically deflates the representation of violence performed by men upon women. The representation of violence performed by women upon men can likewise be seen as counteracting female victimhood, though some readers may see merely a reinscription: a vigilante with a flame thrower is not the answer even if she is female.
The sheer preposterousness of the revenge by blowtorch is, however, in my view grounds for defence. The femme fatale is another figure with a long history. Steamily sexy, her transgressive violence is always finally punished in a restoration of patriarchy, often by the police; The Postman Always Rings Twice or Double Indemnity are classic examples. That the women here get away with murder counteracts such a tradition. Again the devil is in the detail: there is nothing steamily sexy about Kay, or the clumsy Lust or disgust? The only femme fatale is Isadora whose energetic love biting briefly lends her the bloody aspect of a fat vampire.
That she looks so different from the Hollywood vamp, however, comically subverts a powerful tradition. It is therefore satisfying that he gets his comeuppance. He serves too as a token male author done down by the female author of Regenroman, to the satisfaction of an implied female readership. Transvestite Kerbel turns out not to be a serial killer but nor is he much of a draw to experimentation with alternative lifestyles. Kay, a sympathetic but unsexy figure, does not do much for a lesbian continuum. More technically experimental, Entmannung does share some points of comparison with Regenroman, notably wholesale subversion of sexist culture, the theme of female violence, and a drastic representation of rape which unsettles the prevailing comic mode.
Reinig achieves such a break more radically than Duve, in an intervention in cultural politics with a lesbian tendency. But the primary focus on matters erotic remains heterosexual. There is no real blurring of that boundary. The novel offers a comic parody of chivalric romance. Throughout, the reader has a shimmering sense of two worlds, the imaginary world of high romance and a prosaic world of today. A fantastical cultural geography proffers occasional familiar glimpses, which disappear again. Fleeting intertextual echoes and myriad moments of mockery of romance and the chivalric code of honour intertwine.
The perpetrator of the nastiest violence is not a man, however, but a queen. Like the Red Queen in Alice in Wonderland, she is a mistress of the garden who ruthlessly pursues horticultural wonders, though the best practical gardener is the dwarf Pedsi. Some traditionally nasty figures also get thoroughly revalued. The most lovable characters in the novel are a horse and a dragon. Here the horse, Kelpie, and Grendel, the dragon, are best of friends. In Scottish folklore a kelpie is a demonic water-horse and Grendel is the slobbering, man-eating monster in Beowulf. Feminist cultural criticism has deconstructed the threat dragons pose to virgins, seeing in the killing of the dragon by a phallic spear jabbed down into the open mouth or nostril a mythic conquest of nature and a taming of female sexuality.
But virgin and dragon briefly begin to coalesce, rather as Martina has a lizard backbone. Patriarchy divides the female into wild monster and tamed virgin. If menfolk go on imprisoning princesses under dragon guard, the princesses will turn into dragons and the dragons will turn against Man.
Both novels belong in the field of highly readable popular fiction, the first as a provocative intervention in cultural politics, the latter as a witty parody. Notes Lust or disgust? Hamburger Ausgabe, vol. Auflage , , p. Theorie und Geschichte einer starken Empfindung, suhrkamp taschenbuch: Frankfurt am Main, , p. Weiblicher Tod als motivische Konstante von der Mitte des Recent German literature seems increasingly drawn again to stories about mermaids, salamanders and other mythical beings. While these texts use the motif in various ways, the renewed interest seems always to be characterized by poetological self-reflection.
Jahrhunderts, scheinen sie in der deutschen Literatur ebenfalls wieder in Mode gekommen zu sein. Dieses Interesse am Elementaren in der Literatur spiegelt sich auch wieder in einem vermehrten Interesse in der literaturwissenschaftlichen Forschung: erschienen mit Beate Ottos Unterwasserliteratur und Monika Schmitz-Emanns Seetiefen und Seelentiefen gleich zwei umfangreiche komparatistisch angelegte Studien zu Wasserwesen in der Literatur.
Es scheint daher legitim, die Analyse der Texte im Folgenden nicht auf einen bestimmten Typus einzugrenzen, sondern den Motivkreis der Elementarwesen insgesamt einzubeziehen. Ihr Ruf ist ein Ruf in die Fremde. Da ist z. Es gab einen Zusammenhang, wie sie herausgefunden hatte, zwischen den Wegen der Fische und den Bewegungen ihres Mauls. Hier wusste das Land nichts von seinem Untergang. Du aber siehst jetzt wirklich eine Undine, lieber Freund. Sie macht sich damit selber zum Medium der Poesie. Das ist es wohl auch, was Fritz am Elementargeisterstoff interessiert und weshalb er seine Titelheldin zu einer Undine macht.
KS27 f. Der Salamander irrt Hoffmanns Der goldene Topf, der in seiner zweiten Existenz ein Feuergeist ist. In dem noch halb im Winterschlaf befindlichen Teichmolch im Bootshaus scheint sie auch etwas wie eine verwandte Seele zu erkennen, zumindest motiviert er ihren Beschluss, sich auf recht drastische Weise aus dem Trainingsalltag zu befreien. Wahrscheinlich war sie gut aussehend gewesen, bevor sie sich in einen Haufen Glibber verwandelt hatte. Schwarze Haare. So liest sich auch ihr erster Auftritt im Roman als parodistische Anspielung an die mittelalterliche Melusinen-Sage.
Diese Frau war viel dicker. R ff. Vielleicht in Asien. Das sind mittelalterliche Vorurteile. Ihre Stimme war ein Rauschen und ein Raunen. Voller Sehnsucht streckte Leon seine Arme nach ihr aus.
Pamela E. Swett, S. Jonathan Wiesen,
Noch einen Schritt tat er und noch einen. Sofort brach der Morast mit grellem Schmerz in seine Lungen ein. Aber die Analyse des Gebrauchs des Motivkreis der Elementargeister hat auch gezeigt, dass ein anderes Element noch wichtiger zu sein scheint. Damit folgen sie der Deutung des Motivs, wie sie seit der Romantik, aber auch besonders in der Literatur des Jahrhunderts relevant wird. Vor allem die Literatur der Romantik ist dabei ein wichtiger Bezugspunkt; bei Fritz und Duve scheint es wieder insbesondere E.
Hoffmann zu sein. Monika Schmitz-Emanns, Seetiefen und Seelentiefen. Ingbert, Annales Universitatis Saraviensis 15 , S. Eine Himmelsrichtung, [ Auch meine Vergangenheit ist eine solche Gegend. Diese Figur fiel jedoch denen vom Verlag geforderten Streichungen zum Opfer. Rowohlt: Reinbek bei Hamburg, , S. Das Groteske liebt weiterhin alles Ungeziefer. In: Dies. Auflage , S. Im Jahrhundert auf inhaltlicher, formaler und theoretischer Ebene in den Bereich des Literarischen. Southgates Schicksal hat zwar nicht allzuviel mit dem Songtext zu tun, aber Peter versteht trotzdem sofort, was ich meine.
Werther — der auch an anderer Stelle im Buch vorkommt, dort jedoch als unfruchtbares Thema einer Klassenarbeit — kann in gewisser Weise als Parallelfigur zu Anne gelesen werden. Etwas mit Sex. Oh Gott, war ich widerlich. Hier wird die im Titel dieses Essays angedeutete Zwischenposition von Dies ist kein Liebeslied zwischen dem traditionellen Genre des gescheiterten Bildungsromans und dem popliterarischen Bruch mit eben solchen Genres deutlich durch Einsprengsel aus Jugend- und Alltagskultur, auf die wir im folgenden Abschnitt noch weiter eingehen werden.
Auf andere Texte verwiesen — und Text ist hier im weitesten Sinn und nicht nur als literarischer Text zu verstehen — wird im Roman viel, und intertextuelle Einsprengsel spielen eine wichtige Rolle. Die verschiedenen Intertexte tragen wesentlich zur Konstituierung des Textes bei. Und ihr seid alle nicht gemeint.
Vor allem tun dies aber die ersten beiden Seiten des Romans, die in atemberaubender Schnellabfolge und mit einer Technik, die an das musikalische Sampling oder an Collagetechnik erinnert, ein kulturelles und gesellschaftliches Tableau der Bundesrepublik der 80er Jahre liefern. Unterdessen wurde der F. Englische Soldaten marschierten auf den Falk- 98 Heike Bartel landinseln ein und amerikanische auf Granada.
Alle Leute, die ich kannte, tauschten ihre Digitaluhren wieder gegen normale Uhren […] und kauften sich Walkmen. Der Atomreaktor Nr. Und die Schlager handelten weiterhin von Liebe. Diese Collage wirkt in mehrfacher Hinsicht. Umweltkatastrophen und Kriege werden im gleichen schnellen Takt wie Modetrends genannt und vergessen. Die neuen Archivisten, 15 zuschreibt. Duve ist eine solche neue Archivistin, die mit ihrem Schnelldurchlauf durch die Zeitgeschichte authentisches Zeugnis der Bundesrepublik der 80er Jahre ablegt und in literarischer Form speichert.
Es zeigt sich jedoch ein anderes Bild, wenn wir Konsum hier in seiner durch die Cultural Studies erweiterten Bedeutung verstehen, auf welche wir zu Anfang dieses Essays bereits hingewiesen haben. Vorhin habe ich Karin wiedergetroffen. Das Nennen eines bestimmten Titels markiert dabei zugleich ein historisches Eckdatum, das einen musik- kulturellen Referenzpunkt bildet. Ein junger Mann in einem Kohlenklau-Mantel [ Besonders signifikant scheint dabei Diederichsens im Jahre erschienene Studie Schallplatten. Am Parameter dieser altmodischen Musiktruhe zeichnet sich Annes Heranwachsen ab.
Annes musikalische Sozialisation ist bestimmt von der Musik der 80er und einem anderen musikalischen Parameter: dem Mixtape. Und ich, all dieses Unerfreuliche, Widerliche, das ich bisher gewesen war, war endlich aus mir heraus. Das Wunderbare.
Books by Patricia Parker
Und dann war das Wunderbare auch schon wieder vorbei. Die intertextuellen Einsprengsel zeichnen den Roman nicht nur auf inhaltlicher Ebene aus, sondern sie entwerfen auch das Bild des Individuums, das wie der Text vielfach gebrochen ist und dessen Stimme an die musiktechnische Methode des Samplings erinnert.
Die Autorin artikuliert jedoch auf andere Weise ihre kultur- und konsumkritische Perspektive. Dies geschieht im Roman auf vielen verschiedenen Ebenen, die von einer Brechreiz verursachenden Trivialliteratur, welche die Bulimie der Protagonistin in einen kulturtheoretischen Zusammenhang stellt, bis hin zum innovativen Medienumgang im kulturellen Speichermedium des Mixtapes reichen.
Anmerkungen 1 Leslie A. Leslie A. Akademie Verlag: Berlin, , S. Hamburger Ausgabe hg. Kittler, Hgg. Klaus-Dieter Sorg, Gebrochene Teleologie. Women, Eating and Identity, Virago: London, Duve is lucky to have her. Auflage , und Ders. Der Titel spielt u. Eine Inspektion, S. Turner, Hgg. Pop Technik Poesie. Bekenntnisse eines Pop-Besessenen Letzterer bildet in der Taschenbuchausgabe Heyne, sogar ein Mixtape auf dem Umschlag ab und evoziert wiederum einen anderen Titel, der auch den Umgang mit Unterhaltungselektronik thematisiert, allerdings nicht mit musikalischem Schwerpunkt: Benny Barbasch, Mein erster Sony, Ullstein: Berlin, Lucy Macnab Becoming Bodies: Corporeal Potential in Short Stories by Julia Franck, Karen Duve, and Malin Schwerdtfeger Since the mids, the German media have been looking at a new group of younger women writers, among whose texts there are compelling comparisons to be drawn, their protagonists often young women negotiating a space for themselves in a postfeminist, pop-consumerist society.
The body is frequently the locus of this struggle, as the scene of both constructed gender and the potential to undermine it. It will investigate the female body as a site of resistance to the dominant cultural discourse, and ask to what extent the bodies in these texts are subversive. In many of these texts we find the possibility of subverting rigid gender roles.
For the appearance of a stable, physical body that is acted on by culture is illusory. Gender styles the Lucy Macnab body, through repeated and regulated acts that congeal over time, thus producing the appearance of natural matter. It therefore follows, that if the gendered body is constructed, there must be the possibility of reconstructing it, of re-doing the way we act out our gender identity.
Rearticulating gender norms can provide the occasion for their critical reworking, yet it is always dangerous to do so. This is the corporeal potential of these texts, the possibility of using the body to disrupt the process of the law, to find new ways of doing gender. A number of questions arise, however. Firstly, is the behaviour the texts convey successfully subversive, or does it potentially reinforce and confirm established gender roles and boundaries?
Secondly, any act of rebellion must necessarily take place within discursive systems, so is it possible to sustain resistance to prescribed gender norms? Whether these texts provide any answers or not, one thing is clear. The body, a prominent and even intrusive presence at times, is a highly contested site of meaning, offering the potential to expose and destabilize gender as a cultural construct.
The narrator, a young woman, has inherited a run down sea-side hotel from her mother. This is the building where she grew up, and the inheritance includes its staff and the bizarre group of regulars who stay there. Constantly compared to her mother, she is alternately ordered around or ignored by the guests and the new cook, whom she has employed, but who acquires increasing authority over the running of the hotel.
When one of the guests dies in his room, the corpse is not moved for days, and the story becomes progressively more claustrophobic, culminating in a failed attempt by the narrator to escape. Becoming Bodies The hotel, nameless like its owner, is a strange place to call home, and its anonymity highlights the uncertain identity of the narrator.
Each room in the hotel mimics the rooms in a normal house, but this is not a private space, it is public, commodified and merely provides the illusion of home. The space of the hotel is strictly delineated, being made up of clearly labelled areas the dining room, the lobby, the bedroom where certain activities are meant to take place. While we see the narrator here as a child, crawling around on the floor in shorts, Madame takes over the maternal role, her shape more excessive even than the pregnant body.
The revulsion of seeing between her legs comes from facing the abject, the body that must be excluded because it suggests the horror of physical engulfment. Her body is permeable, she is constantly sweating or excreting across the boundaries that separate the inner from the outer, the self from the other, and thereby disrupting a system that propagates the illusion of closed bodies.
Abject in its liminality, its disregard for borders, her body makes trouble for the dominant discourse. She later becomes a grotesque caricature of femininity, as she makes the narrator shave her armpits for her, pluck her eyebrows off and apply false eyelashes, constantly advising the narrator to wear a dress and make up herself. If Madame represents the mother in the constructed family home, then the rest of the guests take on equally stylized roles. Herr Hirschmann, whose name speaks of masculinity, takes on an authoritative Lucy Macnab role, attempting to take control of the hotel.
Wearing only black, highly critical of poetry that is cheerful or rhymes, he also suffers from insomnia, which, in his opinion, elevates his poetic status. His attempt to articulate this exposes him as a ridiculous imitation of a poet. We see the full restrictive nature of this when the cook creates a special dish of quails served in wire cages. A bizarre carnival of caricatures, braying with excitement, they expose the prison of social ritual and the pleasure of such conformity. It is at the borders of this rigid system that we find the marginalised narrator, unnamed because she does not fit.
She is an outsider when it comes to her own body as well.
ISBN 13: 9783833490217
She begins an unsatisfactory sexual relationship with him, her body treated as a reflection of his desire only; in fact, it is an image that falls short of his expectations. He defines her body, it is not valid unless it fits with the male imagination. She spends her time literally in the margins of the hotel, sitting far away from the others at mealtimes and constantly retreating to the reception desk. According to the rituals of gender, she is not a body that matters, and must be relegated to the margins. Neither can she leave, because there is nothing outside.
There appears to be no real alternative to life as delineated by the hotel, and Becoming Bodies when she plans to escape, it is for Cuba, and a fantasy town called Esperanza that she has heard about from the cook. The myth of Cuba, and the imaginary place that represents hope of a life outside only exist to sustain the discourse and structure of the hotel itself.
Her attempt to reach this utopia fails, and she must return to the location where bodies are constructed and regulated, to her circus-like hotel home. She explores the potential for repeating gender ritual in a different way, asking what happens when our bodies do not conform. Her writing also underlines the violence inherent in the moulding of bodies by discourse. The maternal body confounds a system that defines Self in opposition to the Other, because it contains the Other within, and because it demonstrates her liminality, the position between categories, thus proving the categories themselves untenable.
The texts offer the possibility that gender can be redone in a different way, reconstructed to subvert our expectations. It remains unclear, however, whether these possibilities can be realised by her nameless narrators. Too often, the results of trying to conform are both painful and grotesque. Her first sexual experience occurs because she is heavily under the influence of drugs. The story she usually tells to put off sex becomes impossible because of the drugs, as she literally loses her power to speak. Her own history and voice are dislocated from her body and she cannot even remember what happens the following day.
Missing the vein, she sticks the needle impatiently in her arm and it results in deformity. Auf meinem linken Arm bildete sich eine Beule. Similarly, her attempts at embodying other feminine stereotypes result in a skewed and often monstrous imitation of the norm. However, the sex she has, while it is both ridiculous and painful, is not significant, and she is left with no answer as to what she will become. The futility of searching for a finite identity underscores the idea of woman as process, of a body that becomes, rather than is.
The narrator later embarks upon a panic stricken theft of household items, enacting a distorted parody of the housewife role. While these experiments with femininity distort and expose constructed gender identities, they also foreground the violence and pain that comes with performing femininity. Aged five, she is forced to wear restrictive and uncomfortable white tights, a source of great embarrassment to her, particularly when her mother stops in the street to pull them up.
Restrictive in a physical sense, they also prevent her from moving freely because they are expensive and must not be damaged. When she pushes through a bramble bush and slides down a slope, she rips her tights and is subsequently punished for her tomboyish behaviour. Her body is being trained to behave in a certain way, and when it rebels and she wets her pants, bursting its boundaries, she feels the shame of not behaving correctly without prompting.
She considers going either way, back into the womb or forward into death, and her body is also in between a childish disregard for rules and systems and a docile state of conformity. Her saviour is an older boy who radiates power and masculinity. Yet a small moment of shared mutiny remains between the two children, when she realises as an adult that he delayed the moment of return by taking her on a long detour. Getting dressed to go out on a date, the narrator opens her door to find a collie dog, who starts talking to her and manages to disrupt her plans for the evening.
It is situated at the city walls, in the volatile setting of the border, where it is possible to challenge the dominant discourse. By reappropriating its role as trained dog and becoming wild, the collie dog begins to affect change among other dogs, to threaten the order of things. Her mutiny is all the more powerful because it uses the trope of the trained collie dog, and because it is humorous and irreverent towards a discourse that allows dogs, or women, no voice.
It offers to lick the blood from her fingers, imagining that her nails have been ripped out in the torture of feminine ritual. In offering to lick her fingers, the dog eroticises the situation, making a space for female desire that has been otherwise suppressed. The story ends on a hopeful note, as she dresses in an odd assortment of practical rather than stylish clothes, and skips down the street, the collie at her side. There is a Lucy Macnab single star in the sky, signalling hope and an empty space not yet colonised by men, although the remaining irony is whether she would be seen as anything other than a hysterical woman dressed in strange clothes, talking to a dog.
It seems that doubts can always be raised as to whether parody is truly subversive or whether it merely confirms the stereotypes it seeks to undermine. While they tell their own stories, with all the agency of the narrator, they are disempowered by a consensual social order which denies them agency over their own bodies.
The violence of this process is clear, both in the physical damage done by rape and drug abuse, and the inscription of the grotesque on any female body that does not conform to the dominant ideal.